nursing and public healthplagarim free work.Easy to read without grammatical errors and clear citation of references

•Two Decades of Rap in France: Emergence,Developments, ProspectsAndre}. M. PrevosFROM PARIS TO NEW YORK CITY AND BACKIn France as well as in Great Britain, the second half of the 1970s wasmarked by a strong anti-disco movement that lef early American rap. Bernard Zekri had left􀬛o and worked in a French resiaurant in New York City. Inaddition, he was a fixture in the Thirteenth Avenue clubs where b-boysfrom the Bronx used to gather§. the end of 1980, Jean Karakos, whohad been at the head ofCelluloid,􀬛d label. arrivedin New York City and met Zekri. The latter was a good friend of􀬛Bambaata and it was rumored that 􀬛-􀬛!Ii was the only white person whocould walk the streets of the Bronx at any time of day or night withoutany fear of ever being mistreated. In France, Karakos had publishedrecords by The Toasters and The Last Poets; jhe .emergcncs of rap didnOLfil!.!pf􀬛􀬛DL!l_!􀬛II (Bocquet and Pierre-Adolphe, 30).􀬛d . Zekri have left at · the earl history of rap in New York City. First, with Tom Silverman of the Tommy Boy la e , t ey were the co-creators of the twelve-inch 45-rpm record that emerged as the early ym.xl.rap record format of choice in New York City (between 198_0􀬛n_g_l_9-85). Inaddition, in 1982, Karakas and Zekn organized the New York Ci􀬛v Ra.Q_Tour in Europe t_􀬛at P.􀬛􀬛􀬛d in 􀬛een 21 and 28 November

For many French youngsters this was the firstfime they had thechance to see and hear African American rappers (Beckman and Adler.17). Shortly before the tour,􀬛had recorded Fab 5Freddy and were left with an empty side on the record. They askedZekri ‘s girlfriend to record a rap in French; “Change de Beat” by B-Sidewas recorded in 1982 in New York City but its impact in France wasTwo Decades of Rap in France: Emergence, Developments, Prospects Jhardly noticeable because the record was not made available throughthe usual distribution channels in that country.The French press was taking note of the presence of rappers in NewYork Ci!Y. In October 1982, the French newspaper Liberation publisheda senes of daily reports about the so-called street culture of New YorkCity and its boroughs (Thibodat, 21). It was also at that same time thatthe French group Chagrin d’Amour recorded its eponymous albumwhose songs did not pretend to be rap but whose performance techniqueshad evidently been borrowed from those of American rappers(Chagrin d’Arnour: Laville, 128).FROM THE BRONX TO THE FRENCH fJANLIEUEIn 1984, Africa Bambaataa came to Erance and 􀬛@fu.hed a French b-r anch- qf-_b-.i–un-o-v-em-e-n-t–th-e- Z-u l-u-, #N ation. Unfortunately-·.· -t he resultswere rather dis;ppointmg and were n􀬛t at all commensurate with Bambaataa‘s efforts. When the Zulus tried to establish themselves in theFrench 􀬛-essentially around Paris-their coming ..yas notwidely i!£Cept1<,d because the popularity of hip-hop in France was ebbing at the time. Furthermore, several components of lbe teachings uf the. 􀬛lu Nation _we_re n􀬛Q_n􀬛 􀬛􀬛e Fren..m_balllieue .youth. First, the Zulus were .PP.E9􀬛ed to graffiti that were emerging in France around that time. Also, young robbers who stole the purses and billfolds of subway passengers were often dressed in the 􀬛ulu st􀬛. The victims clearly identified these clothmg details as specific characteristics of the young g􀬛ngs􀬛er_s who ransacked the subway lines in the French capital. For the French press, the term Zulu became a synonym for “young gang member from the popular suburbs” (Louis and Prinaz, 170-96). By the mid- I 990s in the French banlieues the Zulu Nation had lost most of its impact as well a􀬛ost of its members. The 1990s have been marked by a large number of studies of the young people who Jive in these popular suburban areas of French cities. David Lepoutre has underlined three major characteristics of these youth groups in the French banlieue. First, the members of these groups have several types of organization; sometimes they are organized according to :)!leS encountered in American gangs, at other times they resemble more a grouping of􀬛members of the same age living in a place that they “-mark” as their own. Once they have established their 4 Chapter I 􀬛 over this area, they 􀬛ate their own forms of social interaction􀬛 Members of such groups recognize each other through their l!ngua􀬛. a slang that incorporates elements from the French 􀬛. words from the speech patterns of the languages of their parents (Arabic,􀬛 di, 􀬛􀬛es.t􀬛–‘- etc.) and a large number of insults and other obscene words. Many French banlieue youths may thus be said to share several points i with their young American counterparts from African American ghetl tos: their “appropriation” of the space where they evolve, their own ; “slang” and similar attitudes towards music, rap, and break dancing, as I well as a shared focus on their “honor” (Lepoutre, 34-112). :1- [The history of graffiti in France, however. allows for a differentiation · oT’ihc evolution between Fran􀬛 and the 􀬛s. In his study, , Alain Yul beau underlines the fact that the French press took note of the American graffiti only in 1981, seldom mentioned them before 1986, and showed an interest in French tag artists only in 1989. In the 1990s. the rnultiphcation of tags in France and the efforts of the French police , led to the condemnation of tag artists who had to clean up their tags and, ‘ at times, to pay a fine in addition. Between 1988 and 1995, the attitude towards tag artists changed, it evolved from tolerance to restriction (Yul beau, 35-49). THE EMERGENCE OF RAP IN THE FRENCH BANLIEUE The youth culture of the French b-anlieue gained a foothold throughout the country in the 1980s and 1990s. It was during these years that French youth became aware of African Am r”c n hip-hoE,_S!!I􀬛 that they a apte I tot e1rowns1tuation.Thefirsttypeof􀬛ifestation to emerge m France in the 1980s was .t?reak danc-ing (breaking or locking in the United States). The first television program devoted t hip-hop in France was a program 􀬛 devoted to brea ancing: e s ow wa􀬛re:-ented by Sjdney_ou_ the TF I telev1s1on cliannefin 1984 and 1985 (Peigne-Giuly, 34). The program ended abruptly in 19&5 and–leci”to- 􀬛 clear reorientation of most youngsters from the French banlieues from break dancing to rapping (Cachin and Dupuis, 15). The firs􀬛 recordings in French were produced in 􀬛 In 1984. Dee Nasty recorded his !’aname City Rapping. an independently produced album that was sold Tri– the streeisbecause no commercial French record label wanted to produce anddistribute an album Two Decades of Rap in France: Emergence, Developments. Prospects 5 by a French rapper. These early rap tunes in French were recorded at a time when French rappers were still closely following the techniques developed by their African American models. A few French rappers tried to record raps in English but they soon switched to French because they were aware that they did not sound as good as those African American models. Lionel D. is the only rapper in France who has insisted upon the fact that, when he was going to perform raps in French on Sidney’s program on Radio 7, he was one of a small group of rappers who performed in French (Cachin, 68). In 1990, the publication of the French anthology Rapattitudes was seen as the consecration of rap in France. This album was produced by a large recording company and featured the works of ten artists and groups of French rappers. The large popular success of this first anthology encouraged French record companies to sign rap performers. In 1990, Lionel D.’s album Y’a pas de probleme was published but did not sell very well. Some argued that the sudden publication of two rap albums in a short period of time had caused a “glut” of rap records-even though it is hard to imagine a “glut” of two albums. It has also been said that the album was of average quality and that the serious lyrics of all the songs may have caused its lack of popularity. Finally, Lionel D. has been accused of not having supported the publication of his album in an acceptable manner. Lionel D. has repeated that he always refused to dress up as a b-boy and that he had to cancel several concerts because he was too drunk to step on the stage. His label voided his recording contract; today Lionel D. is known only by those who are familiar with the early years of rap in France. In 1992, a second volume of Rapattitudes was published but had less impact than the first volume because more rap artists had been recorded and had become well situated at the top of the French popular charts. A quick look at the early rap groups and rap artists in France makes It clear that it is impossible to indicate a clear-cut “ethnic integrity” among these artists. In the United States, the great -;;;ajority of rap- ‘ pers are African American (there have been few exceptions such as the Beastie Boys or Eminem) while in France tbe}’..are of varied 􀬛tb􀬛 from North Africa to Black Africa, and from the Caribbean to the French-􀬛· For example, the artists featured on the Rapattitude anthology included Dee Nasty, a white artist from the Parisian banlieue: EJM had parents from Martinique and II Cameroon. Lionel D.’s parents are black and white; Les Little MC 6 Chapter I are blacks from Africa and the Caribbean; Salina’s parents are Arab and Itahan, The members of Supreme NTM are white and Caribbean; Jhonnygo was a young black African. while the group Nee Plus Ultra was composed of young white Frenchmen from the nineteenth arrondissement of Paris (Cannon, p. 154). The ethnic diversity of rappers in France is now a widely recognized fact (Leland, Mabry. and Thomas, 42-43). RAP IN FRANCE IN THE 1990S MC Solaar: An African Dandy Who Raps In 1990. MC Solaar recorded his first twelve-inch 45-rpm record with the title “Bouge de la” (Move Away from There); the record sold very well and Solaar was soon invited to perform with well-known French pop groups such as Niagara (Puma, 23). In 1991. Solaar’s first album Qui seme le vent recolte le tempo (He Who Sows Wind, Shall Harvest Tempo) established him in a high position both with rap fans as well as with older music fans who enjoyed the underlying humor as well as the highly poetic features of his lyrics. Soon, Solaar became a fixture on French television: he underlined his familiarity with French poets as well as his efforts geared towards the composition of intelligent lyrics with a faultless musical accompaniment (Davet, 1997: 24). Solaar’s popularity lasted throughout the 1990s. Solaar is seen as the middle between two extreme pasitions. The first position is defended by those who see rap in France as a production whose lyrics fall well within the Engpch p0etic tradition and whose musical accompaniment contributes to its overall quality. Those who defend this position see Solaar as the perfect example of what a rapper should be. The second position is defended by those who 􀬛e Solaar of having abandoned rap’s basic ideology in order to become a showbusiness star. For those who hold this position, the defense of a banlieue_ ideal is essential. Solaar sees himself well within this overall position when he claims that his most notable contribution has been the erasure of cliches associated with the qanlieue (Barbot, 76-81). Soiaar has also participated in the expansion of rap by founding his own label Sentinel Nord in 1995 and by recording groups such as Dernocrates D and Les Sages Poetes de la Rue. By the end of the 1990s, with six albums under his belt. Solaar had reached a high level of popular recognition as was Tiro Decades of Rap in France: Emergence. Developments, Prospects 7 illustrated by his selection as a member of the jury of the 1998 Cannes Film Festival (Touraine and Marizy, 104), and his discussion with French writer Maurice Druon (Deletraz), Benny B and Les lnconnus In 1990-1991 , Benny B became a popular rapper in France because of the attractiveness of his stage persona and because of the fact that he positioned himself as a precursor of rap in France. In their recordings, Benny B and the members of his group described themselves as the originators of rap in France and underlined their hopes to popularize this new musical form as a solution to the problems facing young Frenchmen from financially disadvantaged groups. They also made it clear that they did not want to associate with any politician and that their only goal was to place rap in France at a high level that would help French b-boys, Benny B and his DJ – Daddy K-have often been accused of presenting an image close to that presented by American rapper Vanilla lee (Handelman, 34). The group saw itself as “clean” and as rappers of a high level. Such clear-cut self-aggrandizement contributed significantly to the rapid loss of popularity of the group. Their second album sold poorly and the group had disappeared from the French charts by the mid- I 990s. In 1991, the French group Les Jnconnus (The Unknowns) recorded a 45-rpm single with two titles exploiting the new popularity of rap. Les Jnconnus is a French group famous for its humorous sketches. On this record. they offered two images of rap; the first “Auteuil, Neuilly, Passy (banlieue sud)” presents a very bourgeois image of rap. It is known that, in the early 1980s, young bourgeois from Paris traveled to New York City and brought back rap records that were the “up-to-date thing” to listen to. The second “C’est ton destin (E􀬛e nord)” i􀬛J.!!9r􀬛r􀬛􀬛l_i􀬛tic but not necessarily closer to _ reality. This record was very popular in France because its excesses paralleled those of some rappers in France, without the underlying violence often associated with rappers. Zulu Rappers in France Two French groups have been associated with Barnbaataa’s ideals: Les Little and Sens Unik. Les Yrais (The Real Ones), the first album by Les Little was published in 1992. The lyrics underline the philosophy of the Zulu Nation. In “Les Vrais” (The Real Ones), they introduce 8 Chapter I themselves and emphasize the fact that their clothes look more “disco” than “hip-hop.” In .. Une journee de fous” (A Crazy Day), they criticize the attitudes of the French police as well as the dangerous environment of the French_ha11heue. Les Little do not openly declare themselves a!,socrated with Bambaataa but their overall attitude and their lyrics make evident their following of Barnbaataa’s teachings. The four albums by Sens Unik. whose members come from Lausanne, Switzerland. also make it clear that the group rs close to Bambaataa ‘!, ideals. In their second album (Sens Unik), two tunes make this evident. The first, “Tue ton poste” (Kill Your TV), focuses on the danger of television transforming its listeners and poisoning their lives In “La horde des faux” (The Hord of Fakes), they introduce their listeners to those fakes for whom they have only contempt. The group Assassin was close to the Zulu Nation and clearly situated within the hardcore stylistic realm. In “Respectc l’ancienne ecole” (Respect the Old School), they see themselves as members of the French hip-hop tradition and refuse to be told what to do or how to do it. In “Au centre des polcmiques” (At the Core of Polemics), they make fun of French record companies who missed out entirely on the French rap wave of the nud-l 980s. and in “A qui l’histoire?” (To Whom History”), they criticize the French school system for it􀬛 lack of denunciation of the French colonizers of the nineteenth century. Assassin is one of the rare French rap groups that has recorded about the environment: in “L’ecologie: Sauvons la planetc” (Ecology: Let’s Save the Planet). they denounce the destruction of natural environments through administrative or governmental decisions (Assassin). Solo is an artist close to the Zulu philosophy whose role has been essentially in the background of the rap scene in France. In 1984. Barnbaataa chose him as a “Zulu King.” He ha, worked with several groups on significant projects but he does admit that today the Zulu Nation does not exist any more in France (Keila. 22). Hardcore Rappers in France The hardcore movement is not characterized by any specific philosophical basis but by its fast rhythm (in beats per minute) and its “cruder” musical accompaniment: in addition, hardcore lyrics tend to be harsher than those of other styles. Several French groups have been identified as typical exponents of the style; among the latter are Assassin. T1w Decades o.f Rap III France· Emergence. Developments, Prospects 9 Supreme NTM, and Ministere AMER. These groups do not see themselves as French representatives of the Californian .. gangsta rap.” They consider their mission to be the denunciation of what they see as the social and economic exploitation of marginal groups and individuals in French society (Bocquet and Pierre-Adolphe, 52, 100). Supreme NTM is seen as the most representative group of the hardcore movement in France. Kool Shen (Bruno Lopes) and Joey Starr (Didier Morvillo), the two members of the group. have been part of the French hip-hop movement smce 1983. They started as break-dancers and graffiti artists but moved to rapping when they noticed the impact of the rappers. They claim that they selected their name, which is understood as the abbreviation of “Nique ta mere” (f**k Your Mother). after one of their friends, who was employed by an ad agency, was asked to elaborate a poster project for a customer who did not want to have his real name used until he accepted the overall design of the poster. Lopes and Marville claim that their friend had written Nick Thamaire in the space where the name of the customer would be featured and that they decided to use this name as their stage name m l 987 (Bocquet and Pierre-Adolphe, I 00). Betweeen 1987 and 1990, they participated in several Pam Cup of the DJs and, in 1990, they recorded their “Je rap” (I Rap) for the Rapattitude anthology (Rapattitude). Authentik , their first album. was published in 1991 and sold very well. The lyrics in this album underlined the claim of the title: the true association between the members of the group and the banlieue lifestyle. In the song “De personne je ne serai Ia cible” (I’ll Be Nobody’s Target), they introduced themselves as “NTM, indivisible, incorrigible. incorruptible.” In 1993. their second album 1993 … j’appule sur la f.:ckhette ( 1993 … I Squeeze the Trigger) was sometimes seen as an attempt to associate themselves with the California gangsta rap movement since there was a .45 colt on the album’s cover. NTM answered that the handgun was featured on the album cover because it was associated with the tune of that same title in which the hero commits suicide with a .45 handgun. In “La revolution du son” (The Revolution of Sound), they underlined the fact that rap was a force-a revolution’i=-that had invaded the popular music scene in France and that those in power tried to xrlence. In their song “Police,” they characterized the police as “a brainless machine under Justice’s orders and upon which l pee.” Those who saw the group’s 10 Chapter I 1997 condemnation for “violence against the forces of law and order” as an attempt to censure their lyrics have often quoted these words. However, as I have shown, their words were not said during the song but between songs and thus lost their “artistic creation” coverage and fell under the antiracism law of France (Prevos, 1998: 67-84). In 1995, their third album Paris sous Les bombes (Paris under the Bombs) refers to the aerosol spray cans (bombes in French) used by graffiti artists and not to explosive devices. In this album, they de· nounce the National Front, France’s neo-Nazi political organization, and express their hope to see France’s societal order reshaped. Today, each member of the group has founded his own record label and it seems that the recording career of Supreme NTM has been put on hold. All the members of Ministere AMER came from the banlieue city of Sarcelles and considered themselves part of the hardcore movement in France. Their album Pourquoi tant de haine? (Why So Much Hate?) was published in 1992 and had much success, essentially because of the tune “Brigitte (femme de flic)” (Brigitte [Cop’s Wife]). Several police unions launched complaints against the tune but they could not make them stick for two reasons: first, they launched their complaints more than six months after the publication of the tune and, second, because the lyrics fell under the funcii_law protecting 􀬛n:istic creations.:: In their second album, the group recorded a new version of “Brigitte” but also recorded “Negres de la pegre” (Blacks from the Underworld) that underlined the fact that many blacks in France are associated with criminal groups. After having been dragged before judges for “appeal to hate and crime,” each of the members decided to go for a solo career (Puma, 32). The popularity of hardcore groups in France is influenced by several factors. First, the violence of the lyrics may be seen as an equivalent of the “explicit lyrics” stickers used in the United States after Tipper Gore and the PMRC launched their censorship campaign against rap in the late 1980s. Second, the fact that they seldom appeared on television of· ten f’6rced their listeners to buy their albums in order to (re)discover the lyrics. Finally, the harsh accusations against the French police as well as the denunciations of the French justice system were based on welldocumented cases of excesses; this contributed significantly to the credibility of the sometimes outlandish accusations voiced by hardcore rappers in France. Two Decades of Rap in France. Emergence, Developments, Prospects l 1 Other “Ideological” Rappers in France ‘!}le rappers who emeried in France in the 1980:, came mostly from the.. Parisian banlieues. However, the banlieues.. of many large cities in France were also marked by the emergence of@Q., Such was the case of Marseilles, famous in France for being the birthplace of the group JAM. The members of the group assembled between 1985 and 1989, first under the stage name B-Boy Stance and, later. under the name JAM. They also chose to perform in French. Their career was launched in 1990 when they participated in Madonna’s Blonde Ambition Tour. Each member of the group has a stage persona based on the names of famous Egyptian pharaohs. Their choice of Egypt (instead of Algeria) as a rep- , resentation of the Arab world was a wise one because Egypt is mentioned m all French textbooks for its impact on early Western civilizations while Algeria is mentioned in the news mainly for the many assassinations by Arab fundamentalists. The members of IAM also got a firsthand knowledge of American rap during their trips to the United States in the second half of the 1980s (Deroin, Guilledoux, Muntaner, and Raf, 10-23). I have called pharaoh ism the ideological foundation of [AM’s albums because the group’s philosophy focuses on the importance of the pharaohs and their possible role in today’s world (Prevos, 1996: 720-2 I). In addition to their ideological compositions, the members of IAM also deal with their city’s society and problems: the influence of the National Front, drug trafficking, criminal activities, etc. Moreover, IAM’s compositions also include a fair amount of humor. Such is the case with “La methode Marsimil” (The Marsimil Method), which narrates the adventures of a young American who came to Marseilles to learn French with the members of IAM who, after several months with the group, could only use insults and popular expressions picked up during soccer games. THE “SECOND GENERATION” OF RAPPERS IN FRANCE By the mid- I 990s, rappers in France had established their stylistic repertoires. We have seen that the groups sharing the hardcore beliefs form the most significant block of rappers in France. Nevertheless, the impact of more specific artists cannot be denied. The impact of MC Solaar has been 12 Chapter I significant throughout the 1990s, as has been that of IAM; two artists whose ideologies differ but whose impact on the development of rap in France has been significant. It was at this time that emerged what has come to be called the “second generation of rappers in France.” Several trends were clearly noticeable in this new group of artists who, having seen the emergence of rap. elaborated their own stylistic references in an effort to gain recognition by enthusiasts of popular music Alliance Ethnik and “Popular Rap” As its name suggests, Alliance Ethnik is a symbolic association of its members, all from different ethnic background:,… Several of them participatedm the sessions leading to Rapattitudes: Fast J, the group’s DJ, was among those who helped with the recordings by Saliha and New Generation. In I 995, their first album. Simple er Funky, was a significant success and became a platinum seller (one million copies sold) in 1996. The !r!i_cs of the group’s tunes underlined their positive approach towards life as wefr as their focuscm life’s most plew1mhl_e moments. Several groups tried to imitate Alliance Ethruk but their attempts were fruitless because they could not duplicate the spinning techniques of the group’s DJs K-Mel and Crazy B. The group’s second album in 1999 was much less successful and the future .2!. the group remain:,.. unclear. Among the groups that have recorded similar albums are Reciprok whose album If y a des jours comme ra (There Arc Days Like That) WU!> characterized by lyrics without much ideological impact and by a strong focus on relations between the sexes. The career of Menehk, a member of MC Solaar ‘s posse, is more particular since he was discovered in Spain and in Japan before he recorded his first album in France. His two albums, Phenomenelik. and Je me souviens (I Remember), were well received during the second half of the 1990s. Mellowman and KDD {a group from the Toulouse banheuei are two groups that belong to the Alliance Ethnik stylistic family. Ragamuffin Artists in Franfe Tonton David (Uncle David) was one of the first and the most popular of ffi”e ragamuffin arti􀬛ts m Fra􀬛e.His tune ··Peuples du monde” (People of the World) ;;son􀬛 of the mo:,..t popular tunes in the Rapattitudes anthology and is said to have been a major factor in the popular success oT tfils atbum. Hu, two albums Le blues des racailles (The Scurnmers Two Dec adev of Rap 111 France. Emergence, Developments. Prospects 13 Blues) and Alle; leur dire (Go Tell Them) were also very successful. His followers accused him of “treason” during the second half of the 1990s because he tried to diversify lus musical productions and used musicians instead of Oh; his career suffered significantly and is at a low level today. Two groups from French Provence have also had a noticeable impact on the world of ragamuffin in France. Pouppa Claudio from Toulon recorded two albums in 1991 and l 994 ( Beaucourt, 21) and Massilia Sound System from Marseilles. still active today, participated in the emergence of their city as a center for ragamuffin and rap. The members of Massilia Sound System helped those of IAM when the latter started their musical career. Throughout the 1990s, both groups have emphasized their regional attachment and their desire to see Marseilles recognized as an important cultural center in France (Deroin, Gurlledoux , Muntaner, and Rof, 6—11 ). In 1992, the group Sat Sar recorded _ it􀬛􀬛bum and was featured in the French press when, in 199􀬛 .. they performed in Saraieva Daddy Yod began his career in ihe -French Carib-bean but, in spite of a good album in 1997, his career appears to be in decline. As for the lyrics of the group Raggasonic , they are closer to reggae anti hardcore rap. The members of Neg’ Matrons are very close to those of Ministere AMER as is illustrated by their album Rue Case Negres , inspired by the title of Joseph Zobel’s novel (Zobel). Fabe i􀬛 an artist of the “second generation” whose impact during the second halfof the 1990s has been :ii􀬛nificant. He has recor9ed three alburns of high quality: Befu surprend se.1 freres (Befa= the verlan of Fabe-Surprises his Brothers). le fond et la forme (The Idea and the Style) and Detournement de son (High jacking of Sound) in J 998. Soon E MC and Dernocrates Dare two groups associated with MC Solaar ‘s posse-the so-called “500 one posse” -but their recordings clearly indicate that they are not imitators of MC Solaar, Dernocrates D has been seen as a group defendin the ideals of the Nation f · · ¥ alway􀬛 suits, w􀬛ite ::,him aod oecktier ·uul dack,,Jtunglasses. Les sages poetes de Ia rue (The Wise Poets from the Street) are also associated with MC Solaar but cannot be seen as imitators either. Women Rap Artists in France S􀬛a has been considered as the first female rap artist in France; she record- e—d􀬛 -􀬛a· t-u ne on the Raputtitude anthology of 19-90 . She re-co-rd-e-d -tw·o 14 Chapter I albums in the first half of the 1990s. The first, Unique in 1992, had limited impact-;,hile her second wasbetter received, essentially because of the tune “16 ans neuf mois et un bebe sur les bras” ( 16 Years and Nine Months Old with a Baby to Take Care Of). Unfortunately. Saliha has not recorded since 1994 (Saliha). B-Love recorded her tune “Lucy” on Rapattitudes 2 in 1992 and her first album, B Love, appeared in 1996. Melaaz has been associated with MC Solaar since his early successes: she participated in the recording of “Bouge de la” as well as in the recording of several others of Solaar ‘s tunes. Her album Melaa; recorded in J 995 sold rather poorly (Melaaz). New artists appeared during the second half of the J 990s and have left their mark in the development of rap in France. Ste Strausz offers an exemplary illustration, she recorded several tunes for anthologies before she produced her first album and has acquired a wide reputation because of her noticeable use of slang (Night, 26). The end of the 1990s marked a clear evolution in the fe_l!l_injne. rap productions in France. Many popular weekly magazines-such as L’ExpreH- riotTcedthis fact and mentioned it in their pages. The author of the essay in l ‘Express underlined the fact that most new feminine rap artists in France were from Africa and analyzed this new situation as the realization of what he called a “black manifesto.” French women rap artists share attitudes similar to those of their male counterparts: they strongly oppose the National Front; they chronicle the life of the banlieue from a new point of view (a feminine point of view); they share a critical view of the media; and they underline the fact they should be judged as artists and not as women (Dupont, 112-13). The End of the 1990s The authors of Rap ta France have underlined the fact that the years 1995-1996 were marked by a sharp increase in the number of rap albums produced in France. By their own estimation, they indicate that one album was produced in 1984, three in 1988, three in 1990. eight in 1991, nine in 1992, eight in 1993. nine in 1994, twenty-three in 1995, fifty-three in 1996, and fifteen between I January and 28 February 1997 (Bocquet and Pierre-Adolphe, 251-63). During these years, the major rappers in France continued to record; JAM, MC Solaar, and Supreme NTM published albums that sold very well. A few artists of note have emerged during the late 1990s. Yazid was noted for his first album le suis l’Arabe (I Am the Arab) while the Two Decades of Rap in France: Emergence. Developments, Prospects 15 group Expression Direkt got much closer to the hardcore stylistic domain that the earlier recordings had suggested. The group Les Gens (The People) was noted for the significant amount of Anglo-Amencan expressions in its lyrics. The music of Legitime Processus is a mixture of rap and reggae with soul and funk, while the group LAMIFA focuses on “controlling the street” and everything that happens there as their two albums suggest (LAMIFA, 1996 and 1998). The group 2’Bal’2Neg, which was dissolved at the end of 1997, was frankly a hardcore group, while the group Tout Simplement Noir (Simply Black) had a more diversified repertory, mixing amusing or serious lyrics and updating old traditional French songs (Tout Simplement Noir). As for Doc Gyneco, his “sexy” lyrics (Doc Gyneco, 1996 and 1998) brought him fame before he became one of the major poles of Secteur A (Fraisse, l 6-17). The end of the 1990s saw as well the emergence of Oxmo Puccino whose operatic treatment of the everyday life of the banlieue (Oxmo Puccino) was noted (Formula 2A2H, 22-24; Pliskin, 27). Driver has been associated with the hardcore underground movement but none of these elements is found in his album nor in his image-that of a black golfer (Keita, 15). For Ideal J and CMP Familia, the hardcore ties are unmistakable. TOWARD A “REGIONALIZATION” OF RAP IN FRANCH I have already underlined the fact that the members of IAM have always emphasized that they are from Marseilles. It has also been made clear that many groups from the Parisian banlieue have participated in the “representation” of the latter. The huge success of Manau in 1998-1999 (their first album reached the platinum level), a group composed of young men born in the Parisian ba..!1l.i.eJLe.. of parents from Brittany, once associated with the success of the Occitan group Fabulous Trobadors, or KDD, both from Toulouse, along with NAP-standing for New African Poets=-from Strasbourg (Jehli 52), led some observers to believe in the emergence of a “regional rap” movement similar to the regional folk movements of the 1960s. It may be much better to follow Nelson George who, in his characterization of American rap, has indicated that there was a “regionalization of rap” instead of the emergence of a “regional rap.” This remark, based on the development of the Atlanta and New Orleans 16 Chapter I styles (Jermaine Dupri, Master P), does indeed illustrate what has happened in France in the late 1990s (George. 131-32). RAP AND BUSINESS IN FRANCE Many American rap magazines feature ads with rap artists. In France, this trend has not yet been noted. One reason may be that most of the French rappers are often strongly opposed to business ideals and often see record companies as the “enemy.” However, the second half of the 1990s has been marked in France by the realization of the impact of rap artists on the part of the French business establishment. This was illustrated in 1996 when the French business magazine le Nouvel Economiste selected the members of the group TAM as “men of the year” (A, C., iv). The group is at the head of several enterprises related to stage setting, show production, and recording that allow them to operate as a semi-independent entity associated with their record company. The group has produced recordings by other artists from Marseilles as well as its own albums according to its own schedule. Several other artists and groups have created their own labels. I have mentioned earlier that in 1995, MC Solaar created his own label Sentinel Nord, which has published albums by artists from the Parisian banlieues, Each of the members of Supreme NTM has his own label as well. Kool Shen is in charge of IV My People, a label that records artists well within the boundaries of the hardcore style and usually publishes anthologies instead of albums by a single artist (IV My People). Joey Starr heads the label BOSS (for Boss of Scandalz Strategyz) that also published anthologies of artists in the hardcore stylistic domain (BOSS). Both artists, as well as some of their friends, sometimes participate in the recordings of these new performers. Another type of artistic association is the one known under the name Secteur A. This group of performers is composed of artists all from Sarcelles, a banlieue of the French capital. They each have their own recording contracts with their specific record companies. However, when they record together, they do it under the name Secteur A. as an entity separate from the artistic entity represented by each of the artists belonging to this association. This was the case when the artists from Secteur A recorded together at the Parisian music hall Olympia and produced a double album documenting the show (Davet. 1998: 8-9). Two Decades of Rap in France· Emergence, Developments. Prospects 17 CONCLUDING REMARKS The impact of rap in France in the 1990s has been significant among French youth, whether from the hanlieues or from less disadvantaged sociocultural environments. Many French youngsters, who are sharp observers of the influence from the United States when it comes to fashion or new musical developments, listen attentively.Jo the music[The impact of rap in France is also noticeable from a purely flna[!Ci􀬛􀬛􀬛i􀬛. The records produced by the record companies sell in large numbers and contribute to the overall financial well being of these companies. It has already been suggested that the jmpact of rap m France is signifi,gm.t. In spite of the drop in overall record sales in 1999-whether due to larger use of MP3 downloading or due to illegal reproduction of albums with a computer by downloading the data of the album and engraving new copies with a CD-ROM engraver (Mortaigne, !)-sales ofrap recordings do represent a noticeable part of overall record sales in France. Several types of evolution, based on what has happened in the United States. may be 􀬛sted for ra12 in Fran􀬛ef first possibility is the connnuation of the significant 􀬛ial im12acJ of rap record sales in the overall income of record companies and a possible growth in the sociocultural impact of.rap artists throughout the French sociornlt11cal enlli:.. .[Onment. It is doubtful that there will be many French rap artists in the world oradvertising as is the case with Africa!lAmerican r_;m artists m advertisements for so-callec.C’street fashiQI( (Phat Farm, FUBU, etc.) in magazines such as The Source or Vibe. The major reason for this remark is that in France ra artists E􀬛􀬛Jh􀬛mselves as part oLthe fashion world. oreover, they may fear a backlash from their musical t􀬛􀬛hey take part in an advertising campaign. It should be added that, with the exception of movie stars, [ew French popular artists appear in advertising campaigns in FrancefA second possibility could 􀬛 the passage of rap artists tQ…!D􀬛 -.YQrlct_’?J Yi!!e􀬛􀬛as 􀬛.as􀬛􀬛-11 l􀬛e case_ in the Un ired State. .s .._w_tbJ.c_e T_ruld Ice Cube in particular. Such a possibility may exist but, once again, the rappers may wish to choose carefully the type of character they would play in a movie. For example, it would be impossible to imagine the members of the group Supreme NTM -condemned for abusing women in airplanes and in their personal relations-playing romantic characters on the big screen (A., C., 11; “Joey Starr,” I). Moreover, there is not yet in France a tradition of banlieue cinema as there is in the United States with so-called “ghetto – 18 Chapter 1 movies” or blaxploitation movies. To be sure, there was Matthieu Kassovitz ‘s motion picture La Haine (Hate) tn 1994 that 1as filmed in the banlieue and described the life in this environment A third possibility could be a Joss of impact of rap because of a long presence in the charts and of a loss of interest on the part of listeners as well as record buyers. This evolution of popular movements is well known. These popular movements become ·:Qt􀬛.:’ lose their attractiveness and vanish from their dominant position before a new movement replaces them. This possibility is not likely given the present-day situation of rap in France as well as the situation of its American counterpart in the United States. The fact that rap is encountered in many countries, whether in Europe, in the Far East, or in Africa may be seen as a generalization of the impact of this African American music and its groundin¥ in the lm􀬛 ry of world popular music. Whether rap will remain at such a level of popularity is truly hard to gauge and, for the time being, no reliable explanatory model has been advanced for a justification of its possible loss of importance among French youngsters.’ NOTE I . Support for the writing of this essay came from a sabbatical leave during the 1998-1999 academic year and from a Research Development Grant (Summer 2000) from the Pennsylvania State University’s Associate Dean for Faculty and Research of the Commonwealth College. In addition, l acknowledge the help from my colleague, Pr. Philip Mosley, in the proofreading of the final draft of this essay, However, any remaining stylistic shortcomings are my own WORKS CITED A., C. “NTM cogne les filles.” Mariane 7-13 Dec. 1998: 11. Barbot. Philippe. “MC Solaar. Palabres exquis.” Telerama 28 May 1997: 7􀬛81. Beaucourt, Daniel. “Pouppa Claudio: Ragamuffin avec l’accent.” Tele-Poche 18-24 Jul. 1992: 21. Beckman, Jeannette, and B. Adler. Rap: Portraits and Lynes of a Generation of Black Rockers. London: Omnibus Press, 1991. Bocquet, Jose-Lollis, and Philippe Pierre-Adolphe. Rap ta France. Paris: Flammanon, 1997. Two Decades of Rap in France: Emergence, Developments, Prospects 19 C.. A. “Marseille 1996: Hommes de l’annee.” le Nouvel Economiste 9 Feb. 1996: iv. Cachin, Olivier. l ‘offensive rap. Paris: Decouvertes/Gallimard, 1996. Cachm, Olivier, and Jerome Dupuis. “Le rap sort de la zone rouge.” Le Nouvel Observateur 9-15 Aug. 1990: 15. Cannon, Steve. “Panarne City Rapping. 8-boys in the Banlieues and Beyond.” In Post-Colonial Cultures in France. Eds. Alec C. Hargreaves and Mark McKinney. London: Routledge, 1997. 150–65. Davel, Stephane. “Les soldats-busmessmen du rap.” le Monde 5 Mar. 1998: 8-9. — . “MC Solaar. heriuer rappeur du dandysme a la francaise.” le Monde 11 Jun. 1997: 24. Deletraz. Francois. “Druon: feu vert pour le rap. Maurice Druon-MC Solaar. Au menu, un sujet qui leur uent a coeur, Jes mots.” Le Figaro Litteratre 31 Jan. 1998: 82-85. Deroin. Didier, Fred Guilledoux, Stephan Muntaner, and Gilles Rof. JAM. le livre. Toulon. Solerl Productions-Plein Sud, 1996. Dupont, Pascal, “Les filles s’ernparent du rap.” L’Express 26 Nov. 1998: 112-13. Formula 2A2H. “Oxrno Puccino.” Radikal Jun. 1998: 22-24. Fraisse, Arnaud. “Therapie de groupe.” Groove Dec. 1998: 16-l 7. Handelman, David. “Sold on Ice.” Rolling Stone JO Jan. 1991. 34, 38-44, 76. George, Nelson. Hip-Hop America. New York: Viking. 1998. Htp-Hop . TFI [Television Francaise I J. Narr. Sidney. Produced by Laurence Touitou. l 984-1985. Jehh, David. “La croisade des NAP.” l’Affiche Dec. 1998: 52. “Joey Starr condamne a six mois fermes.” 16 Jun. 1999 www.france2.fr/infosgen/ news-fr/I 12.htm (no longer accessible). Kassovitz, Mathieu, dir. La Haine. Les Productions Lazennec, 1995. Keita, David. “Solo. Le destin d’une non-star.” Radikal Jul.-Aug. 1998: 22. –. “Driver Mister Funky Man.” Radikal Sept. 1998· 15. Laville.Alain. “Vu, Lu ct Entendu.” Tele 7 Jours 11-17 May 1996. 128. Leland, John, and Marcus Mabry, with Dana Thomas “Toasting the The paper used in thiv publicatron meets the rmmmum requirements ofAmerican National Standard for Information Scrences=-Pcrmanence of Paper forPrinted Library Materials. ANSI/NISO 239.48-1992.Manufactured m the United States of America
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