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Type your answers in a document file in an essay format, such as Microsoft Word. Students are expected to provide citations and works cited page where necessary. 1) Galston (pdf file ) and Diamond(the book Winds saving democracy from russian rage…) (in chapter 2 in the Winds book) both define the term liberal democracy. What is liberal democracy, as defined by Galston? When answering this, make sure to discuss in detail four concepts on which liberal democracy rests. According to Diamond, what are the characteristics of liberal democracy? What are some warning signs that democracy is in decline? Which characteristic of liberal democracy do you believe is most essential to its survival? Explain. definition for Galston is found in the file I have uploaded(republican principle, democracy, constitutionalism, and liberalism) . I have uploaded the book Winds saving democracy from Russian rage…by Diamond please use chapter 2 .I have also uploaded a word document on quotes from the Wind book with the page at the end of each quote that may help when writing the essay and the pdf file from Galston.
Notes from the book Winds: Saving democracy from Russian rage….by Diamond
Things that effect democracy
Apologists for authoritarianism insist that people have a right to order—but without the rule of law, only the ruled are constrained, not the rulers. This kind of “order” too readily descends into tyranny and brings all of its worst consequences: torture, terror, mass imprisonment, and genocide(pg15)
Without constitutional constraints on power, there is only a republic of fear(pg15)
What saves citizens from the knock on the door in the dead of night, from the risk of being silenced or removed, is a constitution, a robust body of laws, an independent judiciary to enforce them, and a culture that insists on free elections, human rights, and human dignity.
Not all democracies do a good job of defending liberty, but all the political systems that protect liberty are democracies.(pg15)
Established democracies are becoming more polarized, intolerant, and dysfunctional.
The decline of American democracy did not begin with Trump, and it will not end with his departure from the White House. Our republic’s sickness has its roots in decades of rising political polarization that has turned our two parties into something akin to warring tribes, willing to skirt bedrock principles of fairness and inclusion for pure partisan advantage. America’s constitutional order has long been scarred by racism, deep injustices in our criminal justice system, and the soft corruption of our systems of lobbying and campaign finance. Now these deep-rooted problems are quickening in a society that has forgotten the purpose of civic education and is increasingly in thrall to social media, which privileges the profits of sensationalism and groupthink above the prophets of facts and evidence-based debate.(pg20)
Ethnic divisions can also make it harder for democracy to take root. When a society is deeply divided along largely binary identity lines—secular vs. religious, Christian vs. Muslim, Sunni vs. Shia, white vs. black, Kikuyu vs. Luo, Sinhalese vs. Tamil—democracy is sorely strained.(39)
Populist movements are antielitist, condemning the arrogance and dominance of the powerful and the privileged, who look down upon and exploit “the people.” They are antiinstitutional, vowing to uproot institutions that the populists deem hostile to the interests and values of the people. They are plebiscitary, mobilizing the popular majority in a direct, emotional relationship with the populist leader and movement, rather than working through the filters of representative democracy. And finally, they are ultramajoritarian, opposed to the checks and balances that might limit an elected government’s power to swiftly impose radical reforms. These four features spell danger for democracy, but they do not necessarily ensure a descent into authoritarianism.(67)
Three other aspects of populism give it this authoritarian menace. First is its hostility to pluralism, the core democratic principle that different political views and interests are legitimate and necessary. Second is illiberalism, which seeks to restrict the rights of opponents or ethnic minorities, narrowing their freedoms of speech, information, association, and assembly.(68)
in the words of Madeleine Albright, “the first antidemocratic president in modern U.S. history.”(88
Moreover, as we saw in chapter 5, America’s two big political parties are more ideologically sorted and distant from each other than they have been in a century, even as they are about as closely competitive with each other as they have ever been. This dynamic is driving an increasingly hyperpartisan style of zero-sum politics. When party affiliation takes on the intensity of tribal identity, the odds get stacked against political compromise, and it becomes exceedingly hard for moderates to confront extremists and norm breakers in their ranks. It is especially difficult for Republicans in Congress to do so when the main norm trampler is their party leader and president.(148)
In our networked age, both idealism and the harder imperatives of global power and security argue for more democracy, not less. For one thing, if we do not worry about the quality of governance in lower-income countries, we will face more and more troubled and failing states. Famine and genocide are the curse of authoritarian states, not democratic ones. Outright state collapse is the ultimate, bitter fruit of tyranny.(193)
What sustains democracy
Ultimately, what sustains democracy is a deep and unconditional belief in its legitimacy.
For people to believe in democracy, they must believe that it can work in the long run to solve their problems: to raise living standards, manage conflict, and create a better society. They have to see that their system really is democratic, providing free and fair elections with a rule of law that maintains order and protects citizens’ rights.(24)
To be stable over time, a democracy must give all groups a stake in the system by producing, maintaining, and broadly distributing prosperity. And to do that, a democracy needs a capable, professional state that can implement decisions, deliver development, and maintain order. To bring progress fairly and effectively, a democracy must restrain the most toxic and alienating element of rotten performance: corruption. We call the capacity to do all this good governance(24)
What exactly is democracy?
In its most minimal form, democracy is a system of government in which the people can choose and replace their leaders in regular, free, and fair elections. That may not sound like a lot to citizens of long established democracies, but it requires many complicated elements. To be free, elections must be open to competition from different parties and candidates, as well as to the participation—at least through voting—of all citizens.(25)
, which entails much more than just voting. It means strong protections for basic liberties, such as freedom of the press, association, assembly, belief, and religion; the fair treatment of racial and cultural minorities; a robust rule of law, in which all citizens are equal under the law and no one is above it; an independent judiciary to uphold that principle(27)
Other
Over the years, as the theory has been refined, its adherents have argued that people in poor, chaotic countries will favor “survival values” that focus on income and safety, while people in prosperous countries will back “self-expression values” that emphasize people’s ability to choose, respect diversity, and demand not just democracy but a deeper structure of freedom and accountability
From this perspective, socioeconomic development is exceptionally powerful: the more prosperous the society, the more it will propel countries in the direction of the “self-expression values” and, as a result, toward democracy.15 This school—known as modernization theory—expects that if democracy does arise in the world’s poorer countries, it will rest on thinner cultural ground and be less liberal than in democracies in wealthier nations. Public support for democracy in impoverished areas, this theory argues, will be rather shallow and onedimensional, lacking the commitments to freedom, tolerance, the rule of law, and checks and balances that distinguish truly liberal democracy.(149)
Economic progress and fairness are vital to the growth of democracy. But the most important condition for sustaining public commitment to democracy turns out to be fidelity by those in power to liberal norms: transparency, accountability, tolerance, respect for the law, and an insistence on the essential role of political opposition. Democracies that govern decently and embrace these values will not only deliver more prosperity, they will also renew public faith in democracy as the best form of government yet devised.(155)
Globalization, with its flows of trade and information, raises the stakes for us in another way. Authoritarian and badly governed regimes increasingly pose a direct threat to popular sovereignty and the rule of law in our own democracies. Covert flows of money and influence are subverting and corrupting our democratic processes and institutions.(193)
Resolution
To make our republics more perfect, established democracies must not only adopt reforms to more fully include and empower their own citizens. They must also support people, groups, and institutions struggling to achieve democratic values elsewhere.(193)
For all these reasons, we need a new global campaign for freedom. Everything I am proposing in this book plays a role in that campaign, but in this chapter, I am concerned more narrowly with the ways that we can directly advance democracy, human rights, and the rule of law in the twenty-first-century world.(195)
First, we must support the democrats of the world—the people and organizations struggling to create and improve free and accountable government. Second, we must support struggling and developing democracies, helping them to grow their economies and strengthen their institutions. Third, we must pressure authoritarian regimes to stop abusing the rights and stealing the resources of their citizens, including by imposing sanctions on dictators to make them think hard about their choices and separate them from both their supporters and the people at large. Finally, we need to reboot our public diplomacy—our global networks of information and ideas—for today’s fast-paced age of information and disinformation. For the sake of both our interests and our values, we need a foreign policy that puts a high priority on democracy, human rights, and the rule of law.(195)
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