Identifications and Corresponding Readings

CHI010 Midterm exam write on ONLY 3 of these identifications

You can only use lecture notes and class assigned readings in your responses. Do not use outside sources in your responses.11. You cannot collaborate with other students on your responses. This is a midterm exam designed to measure your knowledge of class materials.12. Citations:13. No Works Cited Page/Bibliography needed.14. The midterm covers lectures from: Oct 13th, Oct 15th, Oct 20th, Oct 22nd, & Oct 29th.15. Please be sure to turn in your typed response on Canvas by the deadline indicated above.16. Identifications and Corresponding Readings:25 Total possible points on Midterm ExamAdditional Point Deductions:
9 Engendering the History of Alta California, 1769-1848 Gender, Sexuality, and the Family Antonia I. Castafieda The frontier is a fiminal zone … its subjects, interstitial beings. . . . For more than two centuries the North was a society organized for warfare. Ana Maria Alonso1 From 1769, when the first entrada (incursion) of soldiers and priests arrived in Cal ifornia to extend Spanish colonial hegemony to the farthest reaches of the northern frontier, women and girls were the target of sexual violence and brutal attacks. In the San Gabriel region, for example, soldiers on horseback swooped into villages, chased, lassoed, raped, beat, and sometimes killed women.2 As had occurred in successive in cursions into new territory since the fifteenth century, sexual aggression against na tive women was among the first recorded acts of Spanish colonial domination in Alta California. This political violence effected on the bodies of women made colo nial California a land of endemic warfare. This essay examines the gendered and sexualized construction of the colonial or der and relations of power in Alta California from 1769 to 1848 as this land passed from Spanish to Mexican to Euro-American rule. Using gender and sexuality as categories of analysis, it explores how women articulated their power, subjectivity, and identity in the militarized colonial order reigning on this remote outpost. In this study, gender denotes the social construction of masculinity, as well as of femininity? and thus the social construction of distinctions between male and female. Gender is also a principal realm for the production of more general effects of power and mean ing. Thus, gender is here interpreted as a relational dimension of colonialism and as one aspect of an imperial power matrix within which gender, sexuality, race, class, and culture operate. This matrix is brought to bear in recent studies on gender and colo 230 ENGENDERING HISTORY 231 California Historical Society, FN-3050J. nialism on the northern frontiers of New Spain by historian Ramon Gutierrez and anthropologist Ana Maria Alonso, who examine the ideology of honor in order to theorize and interpret constructions of masculinity and femininity within the power relations of colonialism.3 This chapter examines how indigenous and mestiza women (Indo-mestiza and Afro-mestiza) became subjects of colonial domination in California. It draws on studies that view gender and sexuality as dimensions of subjectivity that are both an “effect of power and a technology of rule,” and that analyze colonial domination in relation to the construction of subjectivities?meaning forms of personhood, power, and social positioning. It also focuses on female agency, that is, the ways in which women manipulated circumstances and used cultural, spiritual, religious, and legal actions to resist patriarchal domination.4 Recent interdisciplinary works center women and other subordinated (subaltern) groups as subjects of history and use gender and sexuality as categories of analysis to examine broad historical processes. This scholarship seeks to find and analyze the subalterns’ voices, agency, and identities in the fissures and spaces, the interstices, the hidden, masked meanings of events and documents.5 Using gender and sexuality to analyze resistance strategies within larger structures and processes, these studies ex plore women’s power to reshape and refabricate their social identity?to fashion their own response, their own experience, and their own histories. 232 ENGENDERING HISTORY GENDER, SEXUALITY, AND OPPOSING IDEOLOGIES Little is known about native systems of gender and sexuality in California at the time of the Spanish invasion.6 Nevertheless, it is clear that indigenous practices were an tithetical to a patriarchal ideology in which gender hierarchy, male domination, and heterosexuality were the exclusive organizing principles of desire, sexuality, mar riage, and the family. In the European order, until passage of the Bourbon Reforms in the late eighteenth century, Roman Catholic ideology and canon law, which con ceptualized the body as base and vile, imposed a regime of sexual repression that tied sexuality to morality7 While canon law regulated marriage and the sociosexual life, of the physical body, civil law regulated the body politic and controlled family law, reinforcing inheritance and property rights and strengthening the patriarchal fam ily. In this ideology, woman was conceptualized in opposition to, and as the posses sion of, man. Woman’s reproductive capacity, as the vehicle for the production of legitimate heirs and the transference of private property, was defined as the single most important source of her value. Spanish law defined women as sexual beings and delineated their sexual lives through the institution of indissoluble, monogamous marriage. And although canon law upheld the principle that marriage required the consent of both parties, that principle was not always adhered to. Sexual intercourse, in theory, was confined to marriage, a sacrament intended for the procreation of children, for companionship, and for the containment of lust. Woman’s sexuality had to be controlled through virginity before monogamous mar riage and fidelity after in order to ensure legitimate transference of the patrimony. By regularizing inheritance of status and property, marriage institutionalized the legal ex change of women’s bodies. The family, the sociopolitical organization within which these transactions occurred, reproduced the hierarchical, male-dominated social or der. The Spanish cultural idiom of honor?the ideology of personal subordination to familial concerns?held the larger patriarchal edifice together at the fundamental unit of the family and family relationships. Gender was a key dimension of honor, which defined the value accorded to both the individual person (personhood) and the family. Thus, ideal social conduct was defined by gender and differed according to appropriate male and female qualities and roles. Women’s honor centered on their sexuality, and on their own and their family’s control of it. Men’s honor and ideal conduct centered on their conquest and domination of others, including women, as well as on protection, which in cluded protecting the honor (sexual reputation) of females in the family. These gen dered qualities of honor maintained the patrimony and perpetuated an honored image of the self and family across time. The result was extreme sexual oppression of women and a double standard of sexual behavior. Individuals possessed individ ual honor, and families possessed collective honor. f / * #h t *’JtJgft”ai VT4 ****** Jh*? *?** ^^ V A page dated April 1781 from the San Carlos Borromeo “First Book of Matrimony,” in which Fray Junipero Serra recorded marriages of neophytes, as well as of Spanish soldiers, performed in the mission church. The ceremony of Christian marriage, with its attendant imperatives of appropriate social and sexual relations between men and women, was part of the complex pattern of Hispanic life that the Franciscans imposed on the California Indians, thereby radically reshaping traditional native society. Courtesy California Historical Society/Title Insurance and Trust Photo Collection, University of Southern California. 234 ENGENDERING HISTORY Systems of gender and sexuality among indigenous peoples, in contrast, generally conceptualized females and males as complementary, not opposed, principles.8 Woman was not a derivative of man, sexuality was not repressed, and both gender and sexual systems were relatively fluid. With variations, native systems included gender parallelism, matriarchal sociopolitical organization, and matrilineal forms of reckoning and descent. Within these diverse cultures, women’s power and au thority could derive from one or more elements: the culture’s basic principle of in dividual autonomy that structured political relationships, including those between men and women; women’s important productive or reproductive role in the econ omy; and the authority accorded women by their bearing and raising of children.9 Further, women’s power and authority were integral to, and also derived from, the tribe’s core religious and spiritual beliefs, values, and traditions, which generally ac corded women and men equivalent value, power, and range of practices. As part of the natural world, sexuality, for many indigenous people, was related to the sacred and, as such, was central to their religious and cosmic order. Sexuality was celebrated by women and men in song, dance, and other ritual observances to awaken the earth’s fertility and ensure that they were blessed with fecundity. Accepted prac tices extended to premarital sexual activity, polygamy, polyandry, homosexuality, transvestitism, same-sex marriage, and ritual sexual practices. Divorce was easily at tainable, and, under particular conditions, abortion and infanticide were practiced. Woman?the female principle?was a pivotal force in American cosmologies and worldviews. Woman, whether in the form of Grandmother, Thought Woman, or another female being, was at the center of the originating principle that brought the people into being and sustained them. On arriving in California in 1769, Euro peans confronted the reality of Amerindian societies in which women not only con trolled their own resources, sexuality, and reproductive processes, but also held reli gious, political, economic, and sometimes, military power.10 The colonial church and state sought to eradicate native traditions that were centered on and controlled by women. In California, the Franciscan mission system was the principal vehicle for efforts to extirpate native systems of gender and sexuality and hence of women’s re sistance to them. In the confessional, priests queried both women and men about their sexual lives and activities and meted out punishments. While prohibitions against forni cation, adultery, masturbation, sodomy, incest, bestiality, and coitus interruptus ap plied to all, abortion and infanticide?violations of the Fifth Commandment, which condemned killing?applied specifically to women and were punished harshly.11 Hugo Reid writes that the priests at Mission San Gabriel attributed all miscarriages to infanticide and that Gabrielino women were punished by “shaving the head, flogging for fifteen subsequent days, [wearing] iron on the feet for three months, and having to appear every Sunday in church, on the steps leading up the ENGENDERING HISTORY 235 altar, with a hideous painted wooden child [a monigote] in her arms” representing the dead infant.12 The imperative to control and remake native sexuality, in particular to control women’s procreation, was driven as much by material interest as by doctrinal issues. California needed a growing Hispanicized Indian population as both a source of la bor and as a defense against foreign invasion, and thus missionaries sometimes took extraordinary measures to assure reproduction. Father Olbes at Mission Santa Cruz ordered an infertile couple to have sexual intercourse in his presence because he did not believe they could not have children. The couple refused, but Olbes forcibly in spected the man’s penis to learn “whether or not it was in good order” and tried to in spect the woman’s genitalia.13 She refused, fought with him, and tried to bite him. Olbes ordered that she be tied by the hands, and given fifty lashes, shackled, and locked up in the monjero (women’s dormitory). He then had a monigote made and commanded that she “treat the doll as though it were a child and carry it in the pres ence of everyone for nine days.” While the woman was beaten and her sexuality de meaned, the husband, who had been intimate with another woman, was ridiculed and humiliated. A set of cow horns was tied to his head with leather thongs, thereby con verting him into a cuckold, and he was herded to daily Mass in cow horns and fetters. Franciscan priests also prohibited initiation ceremonies, dances, and songs in the mission system. They sought to destroy the ideological, moral, and ethical systems that defined native life. They demonized noncomplying women, especially those who re sisted openly, as witches. Indeed, Ramon Gutierrez argues that, in the northern bor derlands of New Spain, “One can interpret the whole history of the persecution of In dian women as witches … as a struggle over [these] competing ways of defining the body and of regulating procreation as the church endeavored to constrain the expres sion of desire within boundaries that clerics defined proper and acceptable.”14 NATIVE WOMEN, POWER, AND RESISTANCE No trayaba armas . . . vino para animarlos a que tubieran corazon para pelear. (She was unarmed . . . she came to animate their will to fight.) ?Toypurina, “Ynterrogatorio de la india gentil” (1785) Some indigenous women countered the everyday violence inflicted upon them with gender-centered strategies that authorized them to speak, to act, to lead, and to empower others. They fought the ideological power of the colonial church and state with powerful ideologies that vested women with power and authority over their own sexuality. Toypurina, the medicine woman of the Japchavit rancheria, in the vicinity of Mis sion San Gabriel, used her power as a wise woman in an attempt to rid her people of 236 ENGENDERING HISTORY the priests and soldiers. On October 25,1785, Toypurina and three Gabrielino men led eight villages in an attack against the priests and soldiers of the mission. Toypurina, who had been about ten years old when the villages from the coast and the nearby mountains had attacked the mission some thirteen years earlier, used her influence as a medicine woman to recruit six of the eight villages that joined the 1785 battle. At San Gabriel, the soldiers got wind of the attack and, lying in wait, captured Toy purina, her three companions, and twenty other warriors. Governor Pedro Fages con victed the four leaders and sentenced them to prision segura in the missions. After a three-year imprisonment at San Gabriel, Toypurina was exiled north to Mission San Carlos Borromeo in 1788. The twenty warriors captured with her were sentenced to between twenty and twenty-five lashes plus time already served. This punishment was levied as much for following the leadership of a woman as for rebelling against Span ish domination. On sentencing them, Fages stated that their public whippings were “to serve as a warning to all,” for he would “admonish them about their ingratitude, underscoring their perversity, and unmasking the deceit and tricks by which they al lowed themselves to be dominated by the aforesaid woman (emphasis added).15 Toypurina’s power and influence derived from a non-Western religious-political ideological system of power in which women were central to the ritual and spiritual fife of the tribe. Neither the source of Toypurina’s religious-political power nor the threat she posed to the colonialist project in Alta California was lost on Fages, who, refusing to acknowledge her political power, constructed her instead as a sorceress. In his account, Fages sought to erase Toypurina’s actual identity and to fabricate an identity consistent with colonialist gender values and ideologies. Archival records show that native women continued to resist colonial domination with a range of actions and activities, including religious-political movements that vested power in a female deity and placed the health and well-being of the com munity in the hands of a female visionary.16 In 18 01, at the height of an epidemic ravaging the Chumash in the missions and the rancherias, a woman at Mission Santa Barbara launched a clandestine, large-scale revitalization movement. Drawing her authority from visions and revelations from Chupu, the Chumash earth goddess, this neophyte woman?who remains unnamed in the documents?called for a re turn to the worship of Chupu, who told her that “The pagan Indians were to die if they were baptized and that the same fate would befall the Christian Indians who would not give alms to [her] and who refused to wash their heads with a certain wa ter.”17 Her revelation “spread immediately through all the houses of the mission. Al most all the neophytes, the alcaldes included, went to the house of the visionary to present beads and seeds and to go through the rite of renouncing Christianity.” Precisely because historical documents portray both Toypurina and the Chumash visionary of 18 01 as “witches and sorceresses,” we need to understand witchcraft within gendered relations of power in the Spanish/European world in general and ENGENDERING HISTORY 237 within gendered relations of power and subordination under conditions of colo nialism in particular. Ostensibly, all women in colonial Mexico and Latin America, like their counterparts throughout the Christian world, were suspected of being witches on the basis of gender, but women of colonized groups were suspect on multiple grounds.18 Indian women, African-origin women, and racially mixed women?whether Indo-mestiza or Afro-mestiza?were suspect by virtue of being female, by virtue of deriving from non-Christian, or “diabolic,” religions and cultures, and by virtue of being colonized or enslaved peoples who might rebel and use their alleged magical power at any moment. Thus, in the Christian imperialist gaze, non Christian women and their mestiza daughters were sexualized, racialized, and de monized for the ostensibly religious crime of witchcraft, although they were often tried in secular courts, where witchcraft was treated as a political crime. Yet, while ecclesiastical and civil officials dismissed, discredited, exiled, or some times put to death nonwhite women charged with witchcraft, women themselves used witchcraft as a means of subverting the sociosexual order sanctioned by religion and enshrined in the colonial honor code as an ethical system.19 Ruth Behar argues that women used sexualized magic to control men and subvert the male order by symbolically using their own bodies and bodily fluids as a source of power over men. Accordingly, sexual witchcraft included the use of menstrual blood, wash wa ter, pubic hair, and ensorcelled food to attract, tame, or tie men into submission or, sometimes, to harm or kill a physically abusive or unfaithful husband or lover. In the realm of sexualized magic, women developed a rich symbolic language and actions that were as violent as men’s beating of wives. Women’s actions within this spiritual domain represented a form of power. If colonizing males thought of Indian women’s bodies, both symbolically and ma terially, as a means to territorial and political conquest, women constructed and used their bodies, both symbolically and materially, as instruments of resistance and sub version of colonial domination. Toypurina and the Chumash visionary placed their bodies in the line of fire and organized and led others to do likewise. Other women resisted in less visible, day-to-day practices: they poisoned the priests’ food, practiced fugitivism, worshipped their own deities, had visions that others believed and fol lowed, performed prohibited dances and rituals, refused to abide by patriarchal sex ual norms, and continued to participate in armed revolts and rebellions against the missions, soldiers, and ranchos. Participants cited the priests’ cruelty and repression of traditional ceremonies and sexual practices among primary reasons for the at tacks on the missions, for the assassination of the friar Andres Quintana at Mission Santa Cruz in 1812, and for the great Chumash levantamiento of 1824.20 Secularization of the missions after 1834 ended the systematic, day-to-day insti tutional assault on native peoples’ sexuality. It did not, however, end the sexual vio lence against indigenous women in the ensuing eras of Mexican and Euro-American 238 ENGENDERING HISTORY rule. Although Albert Hurtado examines the violence toward native women in the second half of the nineteenth century and initiates an important discussion of Indian survival, the nature of Amerindian women’s resistance and strategies of survival in the post-mission era remains largely uncharted terrain.21 That colonialism for all its brutal technologies and distorted narratives, could not completely destroy native women’s historical autonomy is something native peoples have always known, but scholarly researchers are just beginning to learn.22 Native oral traditions have preserved the histories, telling and retelling women’s identities and re membering across time, space, and generations. Through oral and visual traditions, and other means of communicating counter-histories, native women’s power, au thority, and knowledge have remained part of their peoples’ collective memory, his torical reality, and daily struggles of “being in a state of war for five hundred years.”23 Certainly ideologies of resistance and social memory, as the recent wealth of Na tive American literature reveals, center women as pivotal figures in historical and contemporary resistance in their peoples’ collective memory. Thus, Vera Rocha, the contemporary hereditary chief of the Gabrielinos, received the story of Toypurina and the Gabrielinos as a very young girl from her great-grandmother, who received it from her mother.24 Rocha, in turn, transmitted the story to her children and grandchildren and, more recently, to the world in general in the form of a public monument?a prayer mound dedicated to Toypurina developed in conjunction with Chicana artist Judith F. Baca. Such histories remain archived in tribal, family, and individual memory, as well as in other texts?some written, most not. The effort to reconstruct the historical agency of Amerindian women is insepa rable from the effort to reconstruct the autonomy of the racially and culturally mixed women who, with their families, were recruited by the colonial state to colonize Alta California five years after the initial arrival of soldiers and missionaries in 1769. The second part of this chapter examines mestiza women’s agency, and the record they left of it, within the contradictory roles they occupied as both dominated and dominating native subjects. REPRODUCING THE COLONY: GENDER, SEXUALITY, AND THE FAMILY IN ALTA CALIFORNIA Settlers must be men of the soil, tillers of the field, accompanied by their families . . . of upright character . . . likely to set a good example to the heathen. ?Teodoro de Croix, 1781, quoted in Southern California Quarterly 15,1931 In Spain’s New World empire, the central role of the conjugal family in consolidat ing the conquest of new territory was rooted in methods initially developed during ENGENDERING HISTORY 239 the wars of the reconquest of the Iberian peninsula from the Muslims.25 First for mulated in the charters of medieval Spanish towns, the role of the family in impos ing Spanish hegemony was transplanted to the Americas in the form of social leg islation and colonization policies such as the policy of domestic unity, or unity of residence.26 Backed by royal decrees and a system of economic and political rewards and punishments, this policy was designed to solidify the development of the insti tution of Christian marriage and the patriarchal family and to reproduce Spanish Catholic civilization in the colonies. The arrival of single soldiers and priests in California in 1769 reproduced socio sexual conditions similar to those of Spain’s earlier sixteenth-century conquests else where. By 1772, fearing that the California settlements were on the verge of collapse and acknowledging the slow rate of local Amerindian conversions, Junipero Serra ar gued that the survival of the colony required the presence of “Spanish,” meaning Hispanicized, women and families.27 Thus, racially mixed soldier and settler fami lies were recruited, outfitted, subsidized, and transported by the colonial state to pop ulate Alta California and to reproduce Christian family life and society. Attracting families to the remote military outpost, however, was no easy matter. Serra first pro moted intermarriage between soldiers and newly Christianized native women in California as a way to establish Catholic family life, to foster alliances between the soldiers and the Indians, and to curb the soldiers’ sexual attacks against native women. To promote these families, Serra recommended that soldiers who married indigenous “daughters of the land” be rewarded with three kinds of bounty: a horse, farm animals, and land.28 In 1773, five newly converted Rumsien women married Catalan and mestizo sol diers at the Mission San Carlos de Borromeo, three married at San Luis Obispo, and three married at San Antonio de Padua. California’s first mestizo families derived from these and similar unions at the presidios and missions. However, the inter marriage of soldiers with native women could neither meet the immediate need for families to populate the colony nor fulfill the civilizing mission assigned to sturdy Spanish families. To that end, between 1774 and 1781, colonial officials sent captains Fernando Rivera y Moncada and Juan Bautista de Anza on three modestly success ful expeditions to recruit and bring to Alta California soldier, settler, and artisan gente de razon (Hispanicized) families from the northern provinces of Sonora-Sinaloa and Guadalajara. Subsequent attempts to recruit more families were decidedly un successful, however. The Yuma rebellion of 1781, which closed the land route from Sonora, effectively arrested overland migration, and travel by sea was always perilous. During the decades of the 1780s and 1790s, colonial efforts to sentence convicts to California in lieu of other punishment and to bring settlers from Guadalajara also met with little success. Although a handful of families came with supply ships, most other new settlers were men. * * x x-r % *t*Y^.’ *f gxsjBy ?v */* ‘ >/ *T; xV’3 ! ‘”f^’^x^v^i ^Bf^’^^IBfcL^B3l^”1^^^^^B j/? ^^^^^^^^^^^BBudBBK^^^^^^^BiiB ^. JL ^^Wp^ppB^^^^FBb^^^^^BBI^^^EL ..^^ I*11 * f,> j^B^B^fl^^^Bj^^^^^^^^^^H^^^B ‘ <‘””‘r ~^* I Jf’^wm H?fr^^^^^^^^^^^^B?^B^^^^^^^^^^^^^^B ?~f^X~ 7)fc Wz/e of a Monterey Soldier, drawn in 1791 by the Spanish expeditionary artist Jose Cardero, is the earliest known image of a Hispanic woman in California. Efforts to recruit single women from Mexico met with little success throughout the colonial period, and most soldiers who married on the California frontier took Indian brides. Courtesy Museo Naval, Madrid. Photograph courtesy Iris Engstrand. ENGENDERING HISTORY 241 Governor Diego de Borica repeatedly sought to recruit single women as marriage, and thus sexual, partners for these men. However, viceregal authorities were unable to meet Borica’s call in 1794 or his requests in 1798, first for “young healthy maids” {doncellas) and then simply for 100 women.29 Instead, in 1800, with the help of the church, colonial officials shipped nineteen ninas y ninos de cuna (foundlings)?ten girls and nine boys?to Alta California, where, according to Apolinaria Lorenzana, who arrived as a seven-year-old, they were “distributed like puppies” to various fam ilies.30 With the exception of Apolinaria Lorenzana, all of the young women even tually married, though not without resistance. The foundlings of 1800 were part of the last government-sponsored effort to recruit or promote colonizing families until the era of Mexican rule, when new invaders?Europeans and Euro-Americans?began arriving in California. Mexico responded by sending the Hijar-Padres expedition of 1834, which arrived with forty two families, including fifty children, plus fifty-five single men and thirteen single women.31 Instead of soldiers, this expedition was comprised of teachers, artisans, farmers, and their families. By this time, “Anglos” from the United States had begun to intermarry with Californio “daughters of the land,” descendants of California’s first soldier-settler families. Despite the scarcity of hispanas despite the church’s promotion of intermarriage between soldiers and Christianized Indian women, despite the colonists’ own racially mixed backgrounds, and despite the blurring of racial and ethnic distinctions, rates of intermarriage between the soldier-settler population and Amerindians in the Monterey area, where I have completed the research, were high only in the initial pe riod.32 Between 1773 and 1778,37 percent of the soldier-settler marriages were with Christianized Amerindian women. For the entire colonial period, however, only 15 percent of all marriages in Monterey were interracial. As elsewhere in the Spanish colonial world, conquering and colonizing men in California seldom formalized their sexual relations with Amerindian women after the early stages of conquest, when there were fewer alternative mates and intermarriage held particular eco nomic, political, and military dividends. To reproduce the colony in Alta California, women’s race and ethnicity mattered as much as their procreative capacities. The betrothal and marriage of Maria Antonia Isabela de Lugo to Ygnacio Vicente Ferrer Vallejo illustrate the interrelation between race and contractual marriage.33 Lugo was betrothed to Vallejo, a soldier serving escort duty at Mission San Luis, on the day of her birth. The contract between Vallejo and Lugo’s parents bound her to marry him when she reached menarche. On February 18,1791, at the age of fourteen and a half, Lugo married Vallejo, by then forty years old and retired from military ser vice. Vallejo had entered into a marriage contract with a family who, like himself, was classified as “Spanish” rather than as mestizo, mulato, coyote, pardo, or any other mixed-blood designation. Once married, he applied for an official decree of legitimidad 242 ENGENDERING HISTORY y limpieza de sangre (legitimacy and purity of blood) for the Vallejo name. In 1806, after fifteen years of marriage, the family received the decree, which certified that the Vallejo bloodline was untainted by Jewish, African, or any other non-Christian blood.34 Henceforth, the Lugo-Vallejo family, two of whose daughters married Euro Americans while a third married a Frenchman, rested their prominence and high so cial standing, in good part, on their officially certified purity of blood. Thus, though historically, racially, and culturally related to indigenous and African peoples, the gente de razon soldiers and families articulated their own identity as “Californios”35 During the Mexican era, after 18 21, an expansionist North American neighbor sent a new group of single, foreign males?Europeans and Euro-Americans?to California’s shores.36 Some came as individual wanderers, some as part of exploring expeditions, merchant capitalist ventures, or reconnaissance missions. Spain’s earlier economic and political reforms and Mexico’s independence from Spain in 18 21 es tablished the basis for an expanding economy and related developments that affected marriage and family life in California. The rise of private property in the form of large rancho grants, liberalization of colonization and trade policies, the seculariza tion of the missions, the development of an agropastoral economy, and the increas ing demand for imported goods established economic ties between Euro-American merchants and entrepreneurs and the landowning Californio families. The intermarriage of daughters of the Californios to Euro-Americans and other foreigners who converted to Roman Catholicism and became naturalized Mexican citizens was, in many cases, the basis of these economic relationships.37 From the early 1820s to the end of Mexican rule in 1846, intermarriages were celebrated be tween the daughters of families who controlled the economic and political power in California and the Euro-Americans, who would join in the overthrow of Mexican rule. These unions, which generally gave the Anglo husbands landed wealth (some times in the form of women’s dowries, sometimes not) created still another group of mixed parentage. They also became the basis for the “old Spanish Californio family ancestry” claimed by Euro-American pioneers in narratives, memoirs, and histories of “Spanish California” published in the latter part of the nineteenth century, though often written in the wake of the U.S.-Mexican War and subsequent dispossession of the Californios.38 These narratives, many of which were commissioned and collected in the 1870s and 1880s by Hubert Howe Bancroft for his multivolume History of California, be came the primary source for the interpretations of gender and gender relations, women’s sexual and moral conduct, their racial characteristics, and the nature of the family that dominate subsequent histories of early California.39 Descriptions of the patriarchal Spanish-Mexican family, reproductive patterns, and family size abound in these nineteenth-century narratives of Euro-Americans and elite Californios, produced within the conflicting ideologies of the prewar and postwar eras. Becom ENGENDERING HISTORY 243 One of a series of pen-and-ink drawings produced by Emanuel Wyttenbach under the supervision of William Heath Davis, A California Wedding Party of 1845 conveys some of the color and pageantry associated with marriage among the great rancheros. A successful merchant, Davis himself married into a Californio family in 1847. ^1S bride, the sixteen year-old Maria Estudillo, inherited part of her father’s Rancho San Leandro, which added significantly to the couple’s estates, in a pattern typical of unions between hijas del pais and Yankees since early provincial days. Courtesy California State Library. ing the authoritative social and cultural histories, the texts described California women as “remarkably fecund” and frequently commented that families were ex ceptionally large, with women bearing twelve, fifteen, and twenty children.40 Women in California did, indeed, marry young, but the story is more complex. The study of marriage and the family in late eighteenth and early nineteenth-century California is far from complete. Examining lists of colonizing expeditions, marriage investigations {diligencias), marriage records, baptismal records, and population censuses for 1790 and 1834 for Santa Barbara and Los Angeles, historian Gloria Miranda has charted differences between and changes in the traditional, essentially military community of the pre sidio and the less economically stable, more flexible community of the pueblo.41 Numerous factors, including the stage of colonization, the paucity of eligible women, and the young age and frequent turnover of military personnel, contributed to the young age of first marriages in the presidios. They also contributed to the very low numbers of single women and to the continuation of arranged marriages among the hispano population. Widowhood was generally short-lived, and multiple serial mar 244 ENGENDERING HISTORY riages were common for women. By custom, as well as because of frontier conditions, both sexes attained adulthood at a chronically tender age, and marriage registers doc ument girls marrying between the ages of thirteen and sixteen and boys marrying between sixteen and seventeen. Across the span of the colonial period, however, the average marriage age in presidial society was sixteen to seventeen years for women and twenty-seven years for men. And although the population of the pueblo was more stable and permanent than in the presidio, the greater diversity of the popula tion and economic instability of Los Angeles delayed the age of marriage there. The average age of marriage for women in Los Angeles was twenty years, while men married in their early thirties. Similarly, Katharine Meyer Lockhart concluded that a steady increase in wealth, particularly among the pobladores whose occupation was ranching, was a distinctive, positive feature that affected the demographic pattern at the pueblo of San Jose.42 San Jose registered a steady two-year increase in women’s average age at marriage and a small decrease for men across three generations. During the Mexican period, the rising social and economic complexity of town life, the marked emergence of an increasingly diversified population of foreigners, and the decline in the prestige of the military establishment as the presidio brought California closer to the marriage patterns that had emerged much earlier in Spain’s older frontiers. Thus, in the era after Mexican independence, marriage age increased slightly for women, the age gap between spouses decreased, and, with the immigra tion of foreigners, racial exogamy increased. Interestingly, the rate of intermarriage between Californio women and Euro-American and European men during the Mexican period in Monterey was 15 percent?the same rate of intermarriage recorded for Amerindian women and mestizo men during the colonial period.43 Despite the young age at marriage, families in California were considerably smaller than commonly thought, although there were regional variations. While Miranda found a provincial average of slightly more than three children per family in 1790 and a homogeneous pattern of three to four children across the forty-four year span between the 1790 and 1834 censuses, Lockhart found an average of seven children per family in San Jose.44 Although “for some Californians, having large families was considered a mark of status” and some members of affluent clans, in cluding the De la Guerras, the Ortegas, and the Vallejos, had as many as thirteen and even nineteen children, this was not the norm in the province.45 Similarly, demo graphic studies of colonial New Mexico and Texas have shown that, contrary to common belief, large families were not the norm in either of these two colonies.46 Miranda and other scholars attribute small family size among married gente de razon couples to various factors, including high infant mortality rates, miscarriages, infer tility, marital discord, the extended absence of husbands, and personal choice. Miranda’s and Lockhart s studies, and my own research in progress, reveal that age ENGENDERING HISTORY 245 at marriage and family size of the mestizo population in colonial California are consistent with patterns identified for the borderlands region writ large and for parts of colonial Mexico and Latin America 47 This was generally true for other pat terns, including high incidence of female-headed households, concubinage, illegit imacy, adultery, and premarital sex. Across time, sexual patterns in California in creasingly resembled the broader nineteenth-century postcolonial Mexican and Latin American world.48 The meaning of these patterns, which challenge conventional notions of marriage and the patriarchal extended family, as well as standard analytic categories, has yet to be fully interpreted. Analytic and interpretive categories that explain the larger differences between colonials and European patterns as well as internal differentia tion remain elusive, and, at this juncture, questions more than answers are at the forefront of scholarly discussion. Certainly part of the problem besetting the devel opment of interpretive models remains rooted in the difficulty of reconstructing the lives of subaltern subjects from written sources that often ignore or distort their ex istence. The evidence historians have developed thus for, however, illustrates that the patriarchal family?ostensibly the norm in colonial California?was always a highly contested realm. CONTESTING FAMILIES: WOMEN’S POWER, RESISTANCE, AND CONTRADICTIONS I am a woman and helpless . .. [but] they will not close the doors of my own honor and birth, which swing open in natural defense and protection of itself. ?Eulalia Callis, 1786 Though few women and men who colonized Alta California in the latter third of the eighteenth century were literate, their voices and actions are inscribed in official and unofficial sources detailing the colonization of this remote outpost. Women’s ac tions, if not often their words, appear in documents written largely by men, though sometimes penned in women’s own hand and at other times written at their behest. These documents expose internal hierarchies, tensions, and contradictions in power relations among women and men as well as among women themselves. The follow ing discussion of mestiza resistance is framed by the acknowledgement that, in the words of historian Florencia Mallon, “No subaltern identity can be pure and trans parent; most subalterns are both dominated and dominating subjects, depending on the circumstances or location in which we encounter them.”49 These sources reveal that women frequently contested Hispanic patriarchal norms and acted outside the cultural constructions of femininity that required of women 246 ENGENDERING HISTORY not merely chastity, if single, and fidelity, if married, but also demanded submis siveness, modesty, and timidity in order to affirm their sexual purity. During the pe riod under study, some women in Alta California?from the high-born Eulalia Cal lis to the impoverished widow Maria Feliciana Arballo?consistently resisted and defied patriarchal control of their social and sexual bodies. In some cases, they openly defied the norms that were supposed to control them; in others, they strategically used the idiom of honor to defend themselves, even as their actions violated the honor codes of femininity. We can only speculate what words and language the twenty-three-year-old, re cently widowed Feliciana Arballo spoke to convince Juan Bautista de Anza, over Fa ther Pedro Font’s strenuous objections, to let her, a woman alone with two young daughters and no male guidance or protection, accompany his overland expedition from Sinaloa to Alta California in 1775-1776.50 Arballo s husband had died after the family signed up with the expedition to establish settlements on San Francisco Bay, but before they had left Horcasitas. Throughout the journey, Font publicly castigated and rebuked the widow Arballo and remonstrated De Anza for her presence. On the freezing night of December 17, when the weary but jubilant colonists held a dance to celebrate their safe crossing of the treacherous Colorado desert, Font, who was al ready angry because people were partying instead of praying, became incensed when the young widow joined the party and began singing. “Cheered and applauded by all the crowd,” he wrote, “a very bold widow sang some verses that were not very nice.”51 For these poblador families, whose subsidy upon becoming colonists allowed them ra tions for five years, the wages of sailors for two years, and free transportation to the new colony, joining the expedition to Alta California signified a release from the grip of poverty and misery in which the depressed economy of Sinaloa-Sonora sub merged them.52 Arballo, however, did more than defy the priest. She subverted his effort to shame her and control her behavior by inverting the positions, appropriat ing the public space, and performing within it. At the other end of the social and economic spectrum, Eulalia Callis, La Gober nadora, also refused to abide the dictum of feminine submissiveness, timidity, and en closure in the home.53 Like Arballo, Callis made private matters public and “created a scandal” in February of 1785 by publicly accusing her husband, Governor Pedro Fages, of infidelity and refusing to sleep with him. Fages denied her accusations, say ing she fabricated his infidelity as a ploy to force him to relinquish his governorship and return with her and their two children to Mexico. In her petition for legal sepa ration, Callis stated that when she refused the advice of her priest and other men to be recogida or depositada (sheltered or deposited in another’s home) and continued to accuse her husband publicly, she was arrested and, although ill, taken to Mission San Carlos Borromeo, where she was kept incommunicado in a locked and guarded room for several months. During her incarceration, Father de Noriega excoriated her from ENGENDERING HISTORY 247 St* San Francisco s, . ‘ – >-‘ ” ‘ I June 27,1776 ^xf^^f-X^F’V] > “” ‘” ,/^ Monterey : – ^V,”M-i-vi- */* ,>.”** ^ “i “”-‘-‘ > / / March 10-June 17,1776 – ^^fc.^;ftlV<;^#^ V -/a S T San Gabriel .-“?*”” *rl ‘” “‘;;.: “rt / 1 January3,1776 ;:??^ v^’^V ” /? San Dies? ^y )~ V; ‘”‘”** 5 j r^(S5 Yuma. Crossing /^^v.?; >?* * ” / k ^VsNovember 28-30,1775 .: K^ * 7 In J ^&Tucson T I *v^v””^ tis / #^ October 25-26,1775 ^ J& Horcasitas j 4 I / ^r September 29,1775 y / i 5 Guaymas <( J 0) , /] Paso Del Norte ?l id* I I * r / ( K I 0_100 200 ) , j-*-^ I MjieS V-^ The Anza expedition, ) _ ?Culiacan_clJ 1775-1776. the pulpit and repeatedly threatened her with shackles, flogging, and excommunica tion. Callis, a wealthy woman from an influential family, was manipulating the idiom of gender-honor and notions of women’s helplessness to defend her actions. Historians of early California have dubbed Eulalia Callis the “notorious gober nadora,” writing with tongue-in-cheek about Fages’s domestic problems and alter 248 ENGENDERING HISTORY A Californio woman grinds corn on a metate in a painting by Alexander Harmer, an American artist who in 1893 married the daughter of an old California family in Santa Barbara. On the ranchos, as in the towns, men typically spent their days on horseback or lounging about, while women, as a traveler observed in the 1840s, performed “most of the drudgery appertaining to housekeeping, and the cultivation of the gardens.” Courtesy Seaver Center for Western History Research, Natural History Museum of Los Angeles County. nately portraying Callis as a fiery, tempestuous Catalan woman or as a hysterical woman suffering postpartum depression.54 Today, Callis’s actions seem to have been more a strategy for survival. Callis, who was pregnant four times in six years, was all too familiar with the precariousness of life on the frontier. She gave birth to Pedrito in 1781, had a miscarriage at Arispe in 1782, traveled to California while pregnant with and was ill after the birth of Maria del Carmen in 1784, and buried an eight day-old daughter in 1786. Thus her demand that the family return to Mexico City, her public denouncement of Fages, and her suit for ecclesiastical divorce can be reasonably interpreted as part of an overall strategy to ensure her own survival and that of her two remaining children. Though from different ends of the social spectrum, and with attendant differences of power, Arballo and Callis refused to obey male authority and subverted gender ENGENDERING HISTORY 249 honor requirements that they be subservient, meek, and powerless. Both made pri vate matters public and refused their respective priest’s mandate of conduct. Both not only subverted the gender-honor code for women, they also undermined the Chris tianizing and “civilizing” mission by which gente de razon women were to be exem plar models of Spanish-Catholic womanhood’s subservience to male authority. In Callis’s case, her behavior further subverted the sociopolitical order that Spanish officials were attempting to impose on a racially and culturally mixed population of colonists, whom they already judged to be unruly, undisciplined, and disrespectful of authority.55 Callis’s actions, which carried the weight of her family’s wealth and influence in Spain as well as her position as La Gobernadora, posed a particularly grave threat to the imposition of Spanish hegemony in the newly conquered terri tory. If the scarcity of gente de razon women and their importance to survival of frontier colonies liberalized some aspects of gender inequality, patriarchal structures nevertheless remained fundamentally unaltered and the technologies of rule en forced. Thus women’s strategies of resistance, how they manipulated their circum stances, had to be carefully and subtly laid. In view of the political and military imperative to populate Alta California with Christian families, officials of the colonial church and state consistently pressured women to marry, or, in the case of widows, remarry.56 Despite the pressures, some women resisted entering the institution that gave them status in the community. Al though the foundling girls of 1800 were brought explicitly as marriage partners for California soldiers, five of the ten girls informed the paymaster at Monterey in 18 01 that they “did not want to receive suitors because they did not want to be burdened with marriage.”57 Apolinaria Lorenzana, the one nifia de cuna who never married, tells us in her testimonio that although she had received a proposal of marriage as a young girl, “I refused his offer . . . because I was not particularly inclined toward that state [of matrimony] even though I knew the merits of that sacred institution.”58 Instead, Lorenzana, who became known as La Beata (the pious one), entered a life of work and service in the missions as a llavera, enfermera, cocinera, and maestra (keeper of the keys/matron, nurse, cook, teacher). She maintained her indepen dence, earned her livelihood by working for the Catholic Church, devoted her life to the “civilizing mission” the state assigned to mestiza colonists, and taught herself and others to write. A resourceful and intelligent woman, Lorenzana was respected and well-loved for her good works and selfless devotion to the health and well-being of Indians and mestizos alike. Lorenzana escaped the bonds of matrimony and control of her sexuality. As the llavera at Mission San Diego, however, her duties included policing the sexuality of the young neophyte women living in the mission com pound by locking them in the monjero at nightfall and releasing them in the morn ing. She both resisted and enforced the control of women’s sexuality and the sexual norms that Spanish colonial hegemony imposed in California. 250 ENGENDERING HISTORY The famed southern California rnchero ^^^R^W^^^^^^^^^^^BHr^l^H Juan Bandini and his daughter Margarita, ^^^BflEH|^^^^^^^HP^la^Z9 who, like her sisters, was celebrated for her |^^^H^^H^9^^^^|HHM|H|^^B beauty, ca. 1857. In domestic life among the I^^B I^^^B^^^^^^^^HShI Californios, women were ^^^K^^^^^^^^^^^^H^^^^^H expected to honor and respect the family ^^^l^^^^^^^^^^^l^^K^^^^B patriarch, who, in turn, took pride in ^|R^^^^^^^^^^HPiP%^^^^H providing for the needs of wife and lilBsSH^^^^I^^^lP^a^l^^^^B children, especially the protection of a wm^Sjj^^^^^^K^^Em^^^^^^^m daughter’s honor. Courtesy California ^^^HB^^^^^^^^^^^H^^^^^^H Historical Society/Title Insurance and Trust ^^^^l^H^^^^^^^^^^^I^^^^^^H^ Photo Collection, University of Southern ^^^^I^H^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^k California. H!!!i^HHHilHi^HHH.HHHHl^.HB Other women?both single and married mestiza women?contested patriarchal control of their sexuality by engaging in “scandalous” and illicit sexual activity.59 Dur ing the period of conquest and settlement, women’s sexual “transgressions” appear, in the records at least, to have been confined to adultery and deshonra (premarital sex). As California during the Mexican era evolved from a subsidized, military society to a more complex agropastoral, ranching, and market economy with more pronounced racial and social stratifications, cases of concubinage and prostitution were added to the list of mestiza women’s illicit sexuality. Sexual violence, in the form of rape and incest, and sexually related violence?beating women to correct their sexual behavior?were present throughout. Female and male sexuality in the Spanish colonial world was strictly regulated by the civil code, to say nothing of the moral code. Fornication, adultery, concubinage, prostitution, rape, incest, sodomy, bigamy, bestiality, and scandalous behavior were civil crimes for which perpetrators were prosecuted, and women were prosecuted more vigorously than men.60 Moreover, since civil and canon law vested authority over a woman’s sexuality in the male members of her family, the sexuality of a mother with a grown son, such as forty-year-old Josefa Bernal, was subject to her son’s au thority as well as to that of all other male relatives, whether living in the household or not. Bernal barely escaped being beaten by her twenty-five-year-old son Francisco when he found her in an adulterous relationship with Marcelo Pinto.61 It is clear that women’s sexuality was also at risk within and without the family. An instance each of rape and incest appears in the colonial records, though a few more ENGENDERING HISTORY 251 cases of rape, and a case of a teacher accused of molesting female students, were recorded during the Mexican period.62 In this era, too, cases of concubinage, pros titution, and a significant increase in family violence, most specifically directed at women, appear in the records. Whether the low incidence of sexual violence toward mestiza women in colonial California was due to its nonexistence, to underreport ing, or to the fact that most of the sexual violence was directed at Amerindian women has not yet been researched. What is clear is that across the eighty years of Spanish-Mexican rule, sexual violence and sexually related violence toward women became generalized throughout society. Some women responded with equal vio lence. Most, however, filed formal criminal charges against violent spouses in court.63 Women had frequent recourse to the judicial system, and the records of Mexican tri bunals contain cases that women filed in civil as well as criminal court, where they appear as both plaintiffs and defendants. One approach to analysis of women’s resistance during the Mexican period centers on the nineteenth-century narratives. Thus, Genaro Padilla finds that while Cali fornio men’s narratives remained embedded in patriarchal constructs, Californio women’s narratives “voiced resistance to patriarchal domination that characterized so cial relations . .. and assertively figured themselves as agents in the social world they inhabited.”64 Women’s narratives offered gendered perspectives that were critical of pa triarchal constraints, affirmed women’s presence in the public realm, and refuted the common assumption that Californio women welcomed the Euro-American conquest. CONCLUSIONS The construction of Amerindian and mestiza women’s subjectivities in Alta Cali fornia, as this essay has demonstrated, has historically been contested terrain. Most specifically, women’s sexual and social bodies, their sexuality, their procreation, and the control of it have been the province of the patriarchal family, church, and state. Some women resisted, defied, and subverted patriarchal control of their sexuality within the family and without. From differing positions of power, as well as from contradictory locations, they carved out spaces, took actions, and fashioned re sponses within the family, which was at once a primary place of resistance, power, au thority, and conflict. The family was, and is, the most basic unit of sociopolitical organization and re lations of power internally as well as externally. It was the primary place where women in eighteenth-and nineteenth-century Alta California constructed identity and subjectivity within the historical process of successive waves of conquest and colonialism, wherein mestizas were alternately part of the colonizing forces and part of the colonized peoples. In the Spanish colonial world, and particularly in new territories under conquest, the “Western” family, in its Spanish-Catholic incarnation, 252 ENGENDERING HISTORY was deployed as a pivotal technology of rule. We are only now beginning to grapple with the complexities and contradictions of what that meant in the construction of “native” women’s identities and subjectivities on the California homeland that was then, as it is now, contested space. Engendering the history of Alta California, moving gender and the body to the center of historical inquiry, challenges us to rethink our conceptual, empirical, ana lytic, and interpretive categories.65 It challenges us to question and reevaluate extant sources and our own assumptions as we approach them, and further summons us to expand the sources we use to study nonwritten text and other constructs of history. This chapter forms a small part of the larger feminist effort to engender and rethink history. NOTES i. Ana Maria Alonso, Thread of Blood: Colonialism, Revolution, and Gender on Mexico’s Northern Frontier (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1995), 21. 2. Fray Junipero Serra to Antonio Maria de Bucareli y Ursua, 21 May 1773, in Antonine Tibesar, ed., Writings of Junipero Serra, 4 vols. (Washington, D.C: Academy of Franciscan History, 1955), 1: 363; Antonia I. Castafieda, “Sexual Violence in the Politics and Policies of Conquest: Amerindian Women and the Spanish Conquest of Alta California,” in Adela de la Torre and Beatriz M. Pesquera, eds., Building with Our Hands: New Directions in Chicana Studies (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), 15-33; Antonia I. Castafieda, “Presi darias y Pobladoras: The Journey North and Life in Frontier California,” in Renato Rosaldo Lecture Series Monograph 8 (1990-91): 25-54; Richard C. Trexler, Sex and Conquest; Gendered Violence, Political Order, and the European Conquest of the Americas (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1995); Albert L. Hurtado, “Sexuality in California’s Franciscan Missions: Cultural Per ceptions and Sad Realities,” California History 71 (Fall 1992): 370-85; Albert L. Hurtado, In dian Survival on the California Frontier (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988); Antonia I. Castafieda, “Amazonas, Brujas, and Fandango Dancers: Women’s Sexuality and the Politics of Representation on the Borderlands,” paper presented at the American Historical Association Annual Conference (January 1995); Virginia Maria Bouvier, “Women, Conquest, and the Pro duction of History: Hispanic California, 1542-1840” (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Berkeley, 1995); Antonia I. Castafieda, “Presidarias y Pobladoras: Spanish-Mexican Women in Frontier Monterey, Alta California, 1770-1821” (Ph.D. diss., Stanford University, 1990). 3. See works by Ramon A. Gutierrez: “Family Structures: The Spanish Borderlands” and “Sexual Mores and Behavior: The Spanish Borderlands,” in Jacob Ernest Cooke, et al., eds., Encyclopedia of the North American Colonies, 3 vols. (New York: Charles Scribners Sons, 1993), 2: 672-82 and 700-710; When Jesus Came, the Cornmothers Went Away: Marriage, Sex uality, and Power in New Mexico, 1500-1846 (Stanford, Calif: Stanford University Press, 1991); “Marriage and Seduction in Colonial New Mexico,” in Adelaida R. del Castillo, ed., Between Borders: Essays on Mexicana/Chicana History (Los Angeles: Flor y Canto Press, 1990), 447-57; and “From Honor to Love: Transformation of the Meaning of Sexuality in Colonial New Mexico,” in Raymond T. Smith, ed., Kinship Ideology and Practice in Latin America (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1984), 81-104. ENGENDERING HISTORY 253 4- See the following works by Deena J. Gonzalez: Refusing the Favor: The Spanish-Mexican Women of Santa Fe, 1820-1880 (New York: Oxford University Press, in press); “La Tules of Im age and Reality,” in de la Torre and Pesquera, eds., Building with Our Hands, 75-90; “Gender Relations: The Spanish Borderlands,” and “Old Age and Death: The Spanish Borderlands,” in Cooke and others, eds., Encyclopedia of the North American Colonies, 2:406-412 and 780-82; and “The Widowed Women of Santa Fe: Assessments on the Lives of an Unmarried Popu lation, 1850-1889,” in Arlene Scandron, ed., On Their Own: Widowhood and Aging in the American Southwest (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1988), 45-64. See also the work of Asuncion Lavrin: “Lo Feminino: Women in Colonial Historical Sources,” in Francisco Javier Cevallos-Candau et al., eds., Coded Encounters: Writing, Gender, and Ethnicity in Colonial Latin America (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1994), 153-76; “In Search of the Colonial Woman in Mexico: The Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries,” in Asuncion Lavrin, ed., Latin American Women: Historical Perspectives (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1978), 23-59; and “La vida feminina como experiencia religiosa: Biografia hagiografia en Hispanoamerica colonial,” Colonial Latin American Review 2 (1993): 27-52; as well as Asuncion Lavrin and Edith Couturier, “Las mujeres tienen la palabra: Otras voces en la his toria colonial de Mexico,” Historia Mexicana 31 (1981): 278-313. 5. Rosaura Sanchez, Telling Identities: The Californio Testimonios (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995); Gyan Prakash, “Subaltern Studies as Postcolonial Criticism,” American Historical Review 99 (1994): 1475-90; Florencia E. Mallon, “The Promise and Dilemma of Subaltern Studies: Perspectives from Latin American History,” American His torical Review 99 (1994): 1491-1515, “Founding Statement: Latin American Subaltern Stud ies Group,” Boundary 2 20 (Fall 1993): 110-21; Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, “Can the Sub altern Speak?” in Cary Nelson and Lawrence Grossberg, eds., Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988), 271-313; Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, “The Rani of Simur: An Essay in Reading the Archives,” History and Theory 25 (1985): 247-72. 6. See Laura F. Klein and Lillian A. Ackerman, eds., Women and Power in Native North America (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1995); Nancy Shoemaker, ed., Negotiators of Change: Historical Perspectives on Native American Women (New York: Routledge, 1995); Kevin Gosner and Deborah E. Kanter, eds., Ethnohistory, special issue, Women, Power, and Resistance in Colonial Mesoamerica 42 (Fall 1995); Greg Sarris, Mabel McKay: Weaving the Dream (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994); Greg Sarris, Keeping Slug Woman Alive: A Holistic Approach to American Indian Texts (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993); Greg Sarris, “‘What I’m Talking about When I’m Talking about My Baskets’: Con versations with Mabel McKay,” in Sidonie Smith and Julia Watson, eds., De/Colonizing the Subject: The Politics of Gender in Womens Autobiography (Minneapolis: University of Min nesota Press, 1992); Carol Devens, Countering Colonization: Native American Women in the Great Lakes Missions, i6jo-ipoo (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992); Gretchen M. Bataille and Kathleen Mullen Sands, eds., American Indian Women: Telling Their Lives (Lin coln: University of Nebraska Press, 1984); Paula Gunn Allen, The Sacred Hoop: Recovering the Feminine in American Indian Traditions (Boston: Beacon Press, 1992); Paula Gunn Allen, Grandmothers of the Light: A Medicine Woman’s Sourcebook (Boston: Beacon Press, 1991); Paula Gunn Allen, ed., Spider Woman’s Granddaughters: Traditional Tales and Contemporary Writing by Native American Women (New York: Fawcett Columbine, 1989); Beatrice Medicine and Patricia Albers, eds., The Hidden Half: Studies of Plains Indian Women (Lanham, Md.: Uni 254 ENGENDERING HISTORY versity Press of America, 1983); Victoria Brady, Sarah Crome, and Lyn Reese, “Resist! Sur vival Tactics of Indian Women,” California History 63 (Spring 1984): 141-51; Rayna Green, Native American Women: A Contextual Bibliography (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1983). 7. Antonia I. Castafieda, “Marriage: The Spanish Borderlands,” in Cooke and others, eds., Encyclopedia of North American Colonies, 2:727-38; Gutierrez, When Jesus Came; Francois Gi raud, “Mujeres y Familia en Nueva Espana,” in Carmen Ramos Escandon, ed., Presenciay transparencia: La mujer en la historia de Mexico (Mexico, D.F.: Colegio de Mexico, 1987, 61-77; Asuncion Lavrin, ed., Sexuality and Marriage in Colonial Latin America (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1989), see especially the essays by Asuncion Lavrin, Serge Gruzinski, Ann Twinam, Ruth Behar, Richard Boyer, and Thomas Calvo; Sylvia Arrom, The Women of Mexico City, 1J90-185J (Stanford, Calif: Stanford University Press, 1985); Patricia Seed, To Love, Honor, and Obey in Colonial Mexico: Conflicts over Marriage Choice, 1574-1821 (Stanford, Calif: Stanford University Press, 1988); 8. Klein and Ackerman, eds., Women and Power in Native North America, see especially Klein and Ackerman’s introduction and essays by Victoria D. Patterson, Mary Shepardson, Sue-Ellen Jacobs, and Daniel Maltz and JoAllyn Archambault; Shoemaker, ed., Negotiators of Change, especially Shoemaker’s introduction and essays by Lucy Eldersveld Murphy and Carol Douglas Sparks; Gosner and Kanter, eds., Ethnohistory, special issue, especially the es says by Alvis E. Dunn, Martha Few, and Irene Silverblatt. 9. Shoemaker, ed., Negotiators of Change, 7; Devens, Countering Colonization. 10. See Lucy Eldersveld Murphy, “Autonomy and the Economic Roles of Indian Women of the Fox-Wisconsin Riverway Region, 1763-1832,” in Shoemaker, eds., Negotiators of Change, 72-89; Edward D. Castillo, “Introduction,” in Edward D. Castillo, ed., Native Amer ican Perspectives on the Hispanic Colonization of Alta California, Spanish Borderlands Source book 26 (New York: Garland Publishing, Inc., 1991), xvii-xlv; Eleanor Leacock and Richard Lee, eds., Politics and History in Band Societies (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press and Editions de la Maison des Sciences de I’Homme, 1982), especially the introduction and ar ticles by Leacock and Lee; Mona Etienne and Eleanor Leacock, eds., Women and Coloniza tion: Anthropological Perspectives (New York: Praeger, 1980), especially the articles by June Nash, Irene Silverblatt, and Robert Steven Grumet. 11. See Harry Kelsey, ed., The Doctrina and Confesionario of Juan Cortes (Altadena, Calif: Howling Coyote Press, 1979), 112-16 and 120-23; Madison S. Beeler, ed., The Ventureno Confesionario of Jose Senan, O.F.M., University of California Publication in Linguistics 47 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1967), 37-63. 12. Hugo Reid, “Letters on the Los Angeles County Indians,” in Susana Bryant Dakin, ed., A Scotch Paisano in Old Los Angeles: Hugo Reid’s Life in California, 1832-1852 Derived from His Correspondence (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1939), app. B: 275. 13. Quotes in this paragraph are from Bouvier, “Women, Conquest, and the Production of History,” 363-69. 14. Gutierrez, “Sexual Mores and Behavior,” 701. 15. “Ynterrogatorio sobre la sublevacion de San Gabriel, 10 octubre de 1785,” Archivo General de la Nacion, Provincias Internas Tomo 1 (Californias): 120, Microfilm Collection, Bancroft Library, Berkeley, Calif. 16. Robert F. Heizer, “A Californian Messianic Movement of 1801 among the Chu mash,” American Anthropologist 43 (1941, reprint, 1962): 128-29. For discussion of the warrior ENGENDERING HISTORY 255 woman tradition, women’s councils, religion, and spirituality as a source of women’s power and resistance, and of women’s cultural mediation and resistance in Native American history, see Elizabeth Salas, Soldaderas in the Mexican Military (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1990), 1-10; Clara Sue Kidwell, “Indian Women as Cultural Mediators,” Ethnohistory 39 (Spring 1992): 97-107; Beatrice Medicine, “‘Warrior Women’?Sex Role Alternatives for Plains Indian Women,” in Medicine and Albers, eds., The Hidden Half 267-80. 17. Heizer, “A Californian Messianic Movement of 18 01 among the Chumash.” 18. Antonia I. Castaneda, “Witchcraft on the Spanish-Mexican Borderlands,” in Wilma Mankiller, Gwendolyn Mink, Marysa Navarro, Barbara Smith, and Gloria Steinem, eds., The Readers Companion to U.S. Women’s History (New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, in press). 19. Ruth Behar, “Sexual Witchcraft, Colonialism, and Women’s Power: Views from the Mexican Inquisition,” in Lavrin, ed., Sexuality and Marriage in Colonial Latin America, 178-206; Ruth Behar, “Sex and Sin, Witchcraft, and the Devil in Late Colonial Mexico,” American Ethnologist 14 (February 1987): 344-54; Ruth Behar, “The Visions of a Guachichil Witch in 1599: A Window on the Subjugation of Mexico’s Hunter-Gatherers,” Ethnohistory 34 (Spring 1987): 115-38; see also Solange Alberro, “Herejes, brujas, y beatas: Mujeres ante el Tribunal del Santo Oficio de la Inquisition en la Nueva Espana,” in Escandon, ed., Presen ciay transparencia, 79-94; Henry Kamen, Inquisition and Society in Spain in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Century (Bloomington: University of Indiana Press, 1985); Henry Kamen, “Notes on Witchcraft, Sexuality, and the Inquisition,” in Angel Alcala, ed., The Spanish Inquisition and the InquisitorialMind(Boulder, Colo.: Social Science Monographs, 1987), 237-47; Maria Helena Sanchez-Ortega, “Woman as a Source of’Evil’ in Counter-Reformation Spain,” in Anne J. Cruz and Mary Elizabeth Perry, eds., Culture and Control in Counter-Reformation Spain, Hispanic Issues 7 (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1992); Marc Simmons, Witchcraft in the Southwest: Spanish and Indian Supernaturalism on the Rio Grande (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1980). 20. Bouvier, “Women, Conquest, and the Production of History,” 363-84; Edward D. Castillo, trans, and ed., “The Assassination of Padre Andres Quintana by the Indians of Mis sion Santa Cruz in 1812: The Narrative of Lorenzo Asisara,” California History 68 (Fall 1989): 117-25; Edward D. Castillo, “Introduction” and “The Native Response to the Colo nization of Alta California,” in Castillo, ed., Native American Perspectives on the Hispanic Colonization of Alta California, xvii-xlv and 423-40; Antonia I. Castaneda, “Comparative Frontiers: The Migration of Women to Alta California and New Zealand,” in Lilian Schlis sel, Vicki L. Ruiz, and Janice Monk, eds., Western Women: Their Land, Their Lives (Albu querque: University of New Mexico Press, 1988), 283-300, especially 292-94; James Sandos, “Levantamiento! The 1824 Chumash Uprising,” The Californians 5 (January-February 1987): 8-11; Bruce Walter Barton, The Tree at the Center of the World: A Study of the California Mis sions (Santa Barbara: Ross-Erickson Publications, 1980), 185; Sherburne F. Cook, Conflict be tween the California Indian and White Civilization (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1976), 56-90. 21. Hurtado, Indian Survival on the California Frontier. 22. Sarris, “‘What I’m Talking about When I’m Talking about My Baskets.’” 23. Gunn Allen, Spider Woman’s Grandaughters, 2. 24. Author interview with Judith F. Baca, October 8,1995, San Antonio, TX; Author in terview with Vera Rocha, July 5,1996, Baldwin Park, CA. 256 ENGENDERING HISTORY 25. Heath Dillard, Daughters of the Reconquest: Women in Castilian Town Society, 1100-1300 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1984); Heath Dillard, “Women in Reconquest Castile: the Fueros of Sepulveda and Cuenca,” in Susan Mosher Stuard, ed., Women in Me dieval Society (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1976), 71-94; Salome Hernan dez, “Nueva Mexicanas as Refugees and Reconquest Settlers, 1680-1696,” in Joan M.Jensen and Darlis A. Miller, eds., New Mexico Women: InterculturalPerspectives (Albuquerque: Uni versity of New Mexico Press, 1986), 41-70. 26. Jose Maria Ots y Capdequi, Instituciones sociales de la America espanola en elperiodo colo nial'(La Plata: Biblioteca Humanidades, 1934), 183-206. 27. Serra to Antonio Maria de Bucareli y Ursua, Monterey, 24 August 1774, Writings, 2: 143; Serra to Bucareli, Monterey, 8 January 1775, Writings, 2:203; Serra to Bucareli, Monterey, 30 June 1778, Writings, 3:199. 28. Serra to Bucareli, Mexico City, 13 March 1773, Writings, 1: 325; Serra to Bucareli, Mexico City, 22 April 1773, Writings, 1: 341; Serra to Bucareli, Monterey, 24 August 1775, Writings, 2:149,151, and 153. 29. Branciforte al Governador, “Sobre envio de mujeres para pobladores,” Orizaba, 25 enero de 1798, Archives of California, 14: 284, Bancroft Library; Salome Hernandez, “No Settlement without Women: Three Spanish California Setdement Schemes, 1790-1800,” Southern California Quarterly 72 (Fall 1990): 203-33. 30. Memorias de Dofia Apolinaria Lorenzana, “La Beata,” marzo de 1878, Santa Barbara, Manuscript Collection, 1, Bancroft Library. 31. C. Alan Hutchinson, Frontier Settlement in Mexican California: The Hijar-Padres Colony and Its Origins, 1769-1835 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1969). 32. Entries 3,49,50,154,180,181,182,197, 290,334,387,405,528,529, and 563, Libro de Matrimonios: Mision de San Carlos de Borromeo, vol. 1; Serra to Bucareli, “Report of the Spiritual and Material Status of the Five California Missions, 5 February 1775,” Writings, 2: 237,241. The findings for Monterey are consistent with those for Mexico. See Sherburne F. Cook and Woodrow Borah, Essays in Population History: Mexico and the Caribbean, 3 vols. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1971-79), 1: 248-53. For early discussion of the racially and culturally mixed population that colonized California, see Jack Forbes, “Hispano Mexican Pioneers of the San Francisco Bay Region: An Analysis of Racial Origins,” Aztldn (Spring 1983): 175-189; Jack Forbes, “Black Pioneers: The Spanish-Speaking Afroamericans of the Southwest,” in George E. Frakes and Curtis B. Solberg, eds., Minorities in California History (New York: Random House, 1971), 20-33, first published in 1966. 33. Charles Howard Shinn, “Pioneer Spanish Families in California,” The Century Mag azine (new series, v. xix), (1891): 377-89; Gloria E. Miranda, “Racial and Cultural Dimensions of Gente de Razon Status in Spanish and Mexican California,” Southern California Quarterly 70 (Fall 1988): 265-78. 34. Jose Maria Estudillo, comandante de la compafiia presidial, Informacion sobre nobleza de sange del Sargento Ignacio Vallejo y decreto concedido lo pedido, 20 julio 1807, Monterey, California, Archives of California, 16: 356; and Ynformacion sobre la legitimidad y limpieza de sangre de Don Ignacio Vicente Ferrer Vallejo, padre del General Don Mariano Vallejo, 1806-1847, M. G. Vallejo Collection, Documentos para la Historia, Bancroft Library. 35. The origin and meaning of the term “Californio” remains unstudied. The earliest reference I have found to the use of this term is in the records of accounts of animals, crops, and the distribution of corn and wheat for the years 1782,1784, and 1787 at Mission San Car ENGENDERING HISTORY 257 los de Borromeo. However, it is unclear whether the term refers to neophyte Indians or to the soldier/settler population. See Copias de varios documentos en la Parroquia de Monterey. Parroquia de Monterey, C-C 24: 31,34, Bancroft Library; Lisbeth Haas, Conquest and His torical Identities (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995), 43. See also Genaro Padilla, My History, Not Yours: The Formation of Mexican American Autobiography (Madison: Univer sity of Wisconsin Press, 1993); Ramon A. Gutierrez, “Unraveling America’s Hispanic Past: Internal Stratification and Class Boundaries,” Aztldn 17 (1986): 79-101. 36. Douglas Monroy, Thrown among Strangers: The Making of Mexican Culture in Fron tier California (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990); David J. Langum, Law and Community on the Mexican California Frontier: Anglo-American Expatriates and the Clash of Legal Traditions, 1821-1846 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1987); David J. Weber, The Mexican Frontier, 1821?1846: The American Southwest under Mexico (Albuquerque: Uni versity of New Mexico Press, 1982); Leonard Pitt, The Decline of the Californios (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966), 1-47. 37. For discussion of unions between Californio women and foreigners, see Sanchez, Telling Identities; Monroy, Thrown among Strangers, 158-61; Antonia I. Castaneda, “The Political Economy of Nineteenth-Century Stereotypes of Californianas,” in Del Castillo, ed., Between Borders, 213-36. 38. Five of the eleven Californiana narratives from the Bancroft Collection are published in Rosaura Sanchez, Beatrice Pita, and Barbara Reyes, eds., “Nineteenth Century Californio Testimonials,” Critica: A Journal of Critical Essays (University of California, San Diego: Crit ica Monograph Series, Spring 1994). For analysis of the Euro-American narratives and the Californiano/Californiana counter-narratives, with a focus on the latter, see Genaro Padilla, “Recovering Mexican American Autobiography,” and Rosaura Sanchez, “Nineteenth Century Californio Narratives: The Hubert H. Bancroft Collection,” in Ramon Gutierrez and Genaro Padilla, eds., Recovering the U.S. Hispanic Literary Heritage (Houston: Arte Publico Press, 1993), 153-78 and 279-92; Genaro Padilla, “Discontinuous Continuities: Remapping the Terrain of Spanish Colonial Narrative,” in Maria Herrera-Sobek, ed., Re constructing a Chicana/o Literary Heritage: Hispanic Colonial Literature of the Southwest (Tuc son: University of Arizona Press, 1993), 24-36; Genaro Padilla, “Yo Sola Aprendi: Mexican Women’s Personal Narratives from Nineteenth-Century California,” in Susan Groag Bell and Marilyn Yalom, eds., Revealing Lives: Autobiography, Biography, and Gender (New York: State University of Press of New York, 1990). 39. Antonia I. Castaneda, “Gender, Race, and Culture: Spanish-Mexican Women in the Historiography of Frontier California,” Frontiers: A Journal of Women Studies n (1990): 8-20. 40. Castaneda, “Gender, Race, and Culture”; Castaneda, “Political Economy of Nineteenth Century Stereotypes”; Hubert Howe Bancroft, California Pastoral, 1769?1848 (San Francisco: History Company, 1888), 305-34. 41. Miranda, “Gente de Razon Marriage Patterns.” 42. Katharine Meyer Lockhart, “A Demographic Profile of an Alta California Pueblo: San Jose de Guadalupe, 1777-1850” (Ph.D. diss., University of Colorado, 1986), 114. 43. Miranda, “Hispano-Mexicano Childrearing Practices in Pre-American Santa Bar bara.” Twenty-six, or 15 percent, of the 170 Mexican women who married between 1822 and 1846 in Monterey married Euro-American or European men, see Castaneda, “Presidarias y Pobladoras: Spanish-Mexican Women in Frontier Monterey,” 286-87, 291, fn. 1. 44. Lockhart, “A Demographic Profile of an Alta California Pueblo,” 60-69. 258 ENGENDERING HISTORY 45- Miranda, “Hispano-Mexicano Childrearing Practices,” 309. 46. Alicia V. Tjarks, “Demographic, Ethnic, and Occupational Structure of New Mexico, 1790,” The Americas 35 (July 1978): 45-88; Alicia V. Tjarks, “Comparative Demographic Analysis of Texas, 1777-1793,” Southwestern Historical Quarterly yj (January 1974): 291-338. 47. Miranda,uGente de Razon Marriage Patterns”; Miranda, “Hispano-Mexicano Chil drearing Practices”; Lockhart, “A Demographic Profile of an Alta California Pueblo.” Two chapters of my manuscript in progress are based on demographic data that trace women in the marriage and birth (baptismal) records across the four presidios. 48. Castafieda, “Presidarias y Pobladoras: Spanish-Mexican Women in Frontier Mon terey,” 266-74; Lockhart also found low rates of illegitimacy in San Jose; see Lockhart, “A Demographic Profile of an Alta California Pueblo,” 112-14. For family and household com position after 1848, which reveals rates of female-headed households consistent with the nineteenth-century pattern identified for parts of Mexico and Latin America, see Richard Griswold del Castillo, La Familia: Chicano Families in the Urban Southwest, 1848 to the Pres ent (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1984); Barbara Laslett, “Household Structure on an American Frontier: Los Angeles, California, in 1850,”American Journalof* So ciology 81 (January 1975): 109-28. 49. Mallon, “The Promise and Dilemma of Subaltern Studies,” 1511. 50. Herbert Eugene Bolton, trans, and ed., Anzas California Expeditions, 5 vols. (Berke ley: University of California Press, 1930), 4:138,428. 51. Ibid., 4: 428. 52. Ibid., 1: 228. 53. Ynstancia de Dofia Eulalia Callis, Muger de Don Pedro Fages, governador de Cali fornia, sobre que se le oyga en justicia, y redima de la opresion que padece, 23 August 1785, Archivo General de la Nacion, Provincias Internas, 120: 66-81, Collection, Bancroft Library. 54. Bancroft, History of California, 1: 389-93; Irving Berdine Richman, California under Spain and Mexico, 1535-1847 (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1911), 156-58; Charles C. Chapman, A History of California: The Spanish Period (New York: MacMillan Company, 1921), 398-400; Castafieda, “Presidarias y Pobladoras: The Journey North,” 41-43,54, fn. 103. 55. See Manuel Patricio Servin, “California’s Hispanic Heritage: A View into the Span ish Myth,” Journal of San Diego History 19 (1973): 1-9; Oakah L.Jones, Jr., Los Paisanos: Span ish Settlers on the Northern Frontier of New Spain (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1979); Sidney B. Brinckerhoff and Odie B. Faulk, Lancers for the King: A Study of the Fron tier Military System of Northern New Spain, with a Translation of the Royal Regulations 0/1772 (Phoenix: Arizona Historical Foundation, 1965); Max Moorhead, “The Soldado de Cuera: Stalwart of the Spanish Borderlands,” in Oakah L.Jones, Jr., ed., The Spanish Borderlands: A First Reader (Los Angeles: Lorrin L. Morrison, 1974), 87-105; Leon G. Campbell, “The First Californios: Presidial Society in Spanish California, 1760-1822,” in Jones, Jr., ed., The Span ish Borderlands, 106-18. 56. Bancroft, History of California, 1: 603-606; Castafieda, “Presidarias y Pobladoras: Spanish-Mexican Women in Frontier Monterey,” 168-69, 203-204. 57. Castafieda, “Presidarias y Pobladoras: Spanish-Mexican Women in Frontier Mon terey,” 171-73; Hernandez, “No Settlement without Women.” 58. Lorenzana, “Memorias de Dona Apolinaria Lorenzana, La Beata,” 45-46. 59. Castafieda, “Presidarias y Pobladoras: Spanish-Mexican Women in Frontier Mon terey,” 266-71. ENGENDERING HISTORY 259 60. Lavrin, “In Search of the Colonial Woman,” in Lavrin, ed., Latin American Women, 35; Ots y Capdequi, Institutiones sociales, 250-51; Arrom, The Women of Mexico City, 65-70. 61. Jose Arguello a Fages, 26 noviembre de 1788, San Francisco, Trato ilicito entre un sol dado y una muger casada, Archives of California, 4: 250. 62. Carrillo, 28 de noviembre de 1806, Santa Barbara, Causa de incesto, Archives of Cal ifornia, 16: 342-56; Antonio Maria Pico, Juez constitucional de primera nomination, 7 de mayo de 1845, San Jose Guadalupe. Causa criminal contra el vecino Mariano Duarte, mae stro de escuela por tentativas de estupro en ninas de menor tchid, Archives of California, 69: 139-42. 63. For Monterey, see Criminal Court Records, Mexican Archives of Monterey County, Office of the County Clerk, Salinas, Calif. 64. Padilla, My History, Not Yours, 26; Sanchez, Telling Identities; Richard Griswold del Castillo, “Neither Activist Nor Victim: Mexican Women’s Historical Discourse?The Case of San Diego, 1820-1850,” California History (Fall 1995): 230-43. 65. For feminist theories of gender, sexuality, and history, see: Joan W. Scott, ed., Femi nism and History (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996); Deena J. Gonzalez, “A Resit uated West: Johnson’s Re-gendered, Re-racialized Perspective,” in Clyde Milner III, td.,A New Significance: Re-envisioning the History of the American West (New York: Oxford Uni versity Press, in press); Ann-Louise Shapiro, ed., Feminists ReVision History (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1994); Kathleen M. Brown, “Brave New Worlds: Women’s and Gender History,” William and Mary Quarterly 50 (April 1993): 311-328; Susan Lee Johnson, “A memory sweet to soldiers’: The Significance of Gender in the History of the American West’,” Western Historical Quarterly 24 (November 1993): 495-518; Antonia I. Castaneda, “Women of Color and the Rewriting of Western History: The Discourse, Politics, and De colonization of History,” Pacific Historical Review 61 (November 1992): 501-533; Joan W. Scott, “Experience,” and Ana Maria Alonso, “Gender, Power, and Historical Memory: Dis courses of Serrano Resistance,” in Judith Butler and Joan W. Scott, eds., Feminists Theorize the Political (New York and London: Routledge, 1994), 22-40 and 404-425; Emma Perez, “Sexuality and Discourse: Notes from a Chicana Survivor,” in Carla Trujillo, ed., Chicana Les bians: The Girls Our Mothers Warned Us About (Berkeley: Third Woman Press, 1991), 159-84; Irene Silverblatt, “Interpreting Women in States: New Feminist Ethnohistories,” in Mi caela di Leonardo, ed., Gender at the Crossroads of Knowledge: Feminist Anthropology in the Postmodern Era (Berkeley, Los Angeles, Oxford: University of California Press, 1991), 140-74; Joan Wallach Scott, “Gender: A Useful Category of Historical Analysis,” American Historical Review 91 (December 1986):! 053 – 75.

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